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danus and Tartalea. No progress was likely to occur, till the mathematicians had distinctly recovered the genuine Idea of Pressure, as a Force producing equilibrium, which Archimedes had possessed, and which was soon to reappear in Stevinus.

The properties of the Lever had always continued known to mathematicians, although, in the dark period, the superiority of the proof given by Archimedes had not been recognized. We are not to be surprised, if reasonings like those of Jordanus were applied to demonstrate the theories of the Lever with apparent success. Writers on Mechanics were, as we have seen, so vacillating in their mode of dealing with words and propositions, that their maxims could be made to prove any thing which was already known to be true.

We proceed to speak of the beginning of the real progress of Mechanics in modern times.

Sect. 2.-Revival of the Scientific Idea of Pressure.—Stevinus.— Equilibrium of Oblique Forces.

THE doctrine of the Centre of Gravity was the part of the mechanical speculations of Archimedes which was most diligently prosecuted after his time. Pappus and others, among the ancients, had solved some new problems on this subject, and Commandinus, in 1565, published De Centro Gravitatis Solidorum. Such treatises contained, for the most part, only mathematical consequences of the doctrines of Archimedes; but the mathematicians also retained a steady conviction of the mechanical property of the Centre of Gravity, namely, that all the weight of the body might be collected there, without any change in the mechanical results; a conviction which is closely connected with our fundamental conceptions of mechanical action. Such a principle, also, will enable us to determine the result of many simple mechanical arrangements; for instance, if a mathematician of those days. had been asked whether a solid ball could be made of such a form, that, when placed on a horizontal plane, it should go on rolling forwards. without limit merely by the effect of its own weight, he would probably have answered, that it could not; for that the centre of gravity of the ball would seek the lowest position it could find, and that, when it had found this, the ball could have no tendency to roll any further. And, in making this assertion, the supposed reasoner would not be an

* Ubaldi mentions and blames Jordanus's way of treating the Lever. (See his Preface.)

ticipating any wider proofs of the impossibility of a perpetual motion, drawn from principles subsequently discovered, but would be referring the question to certain fundamental convictions, which, whether put into Axioms or not, inevitably accompany our mechanical conceptions.

In the same way, Stevinus of Bruges, in 1586, when he published his Beghinselen der Waaghconst (Principles of Equilibrium), had been asked why a loop of chain, hung over a triangular beam, could not, as he asserted it could not, go on moving round and round perpetually, by the action of its own weight, he would probably have answered, that the weight of the chain, if it produced motion at all, must have a tendency to bring it into some certain position, and that when the chain had reached this position, it would have no tendency to go any further; and thus he would have reduced the impossibility of such a perpetual motion, to the conception of gravity, as a force tending to produce equilibrium; a principle perfectly sound and correct.

Upon this principle thus applied, Stevinus did establish the fundamental property of the Inclined Plane. He supposed a loop of string, loaded with fourteen equal balls at equal distances, to hang over a triangular support which was composed of two inclined planes with a horizontal base, and whose sides, being unequal in the proportion of two to one, supported four and two balls respectively. He showed that this loop must hang at rest, because any motion would only bring it into the same condition in which it was at first; and that the festoon of eight balls which hung down below the triangle might be removed without disturbing the equilibrium; so that four balls on the longer plane would balance two balls on the shorter plane; or in other words, the weights would be as the lengths of the planes intercepted by the horizontal line.

Stevinus showed his firm possession of the truth contained in this principle, by deducing from it the properties of forces acting in oblique directions under all kinds of conditions; in short, he showed his entire ability to found upon it a complete doctrine of equilibrium; and upon his foundations, and without any additional support, the mathematical doctrines of Statics might have been carried to the highest pitch of perfection they have yet reached. The formation of the science was finished; the mathematical development and exposition of it were alone open to extension and change.

[2d Ed.] ["Simon Stevin of Bruges," as he usually designates himself in the title-page of his work, has lately become an object of general interest in his own country, and it has been resolved to erect a

statue in honor of him in one of the public places of his native city. He was born in 1548, as I learn from M. Quetelet's notice of him, and died in 1620. Montucla says that he died in 1633; misled apparently by the preface to Albert Girard's edition of Stevin's works, which was published in 1634, and which speaks of a death which took place in the preceding year; but on examination it will be seen that this refers to Girard, not to Stevin.

I ought to have mentioned, in consideration of the importance of the proposition, that Stevin distinctly states the triangle of forces; namely, that three forces which act upon a point are in equilibrium when they are parallel and proportional to the three sides of any plane triangle. This includes the principle of the Composition of Statical Forces. Stevin also applies his principle of equilibrium to cordage, pulleys, funicular polygons, and especially to the bits of bridles; a branch of mechanics which he calls Chalinothlipsis.

He has also the merit of having seen very clearly, the distinction of statical and dynamical problems. He remarks that the question, What force will support a loaded wagon on an inclined plane? is a statical question, depending on simple conditions; but that the question, What force will move the wagon? requires additional considerations to be introduced.

In Chapter iv. of this Book, I have noticed Stevin's share in the rediscovery of the Laws of the Equilibrium of Fluids. He distinctly explains the hydrostatic paradox, of which the discovery is generally ascribed to Pascal.

Earlier than Stevinus, Leonardo da Vinci must have a place among the discoverers of the Conditions of Equilibrium of Oblique Forces. He published no work on this subject; but extracts from his manuscripts have been published by Venturi, in his Essai sur les Ouvrages Physico-Mathématiques de Leonard da Vinci, avec des Fragmens tirés de ses Manuscrits apportés d'Italie. Paris, 1797: and by Libri, in his Hist. des Sc. Math. en Italie, 1839. I have also myself examined these manuscripts in the Royal Library at Paris.

It appears that, as early as 1499, Leonardo gave a perfectly correct statement of the proportion of the forces exerted by a cord which acts obliquely and supports a weight on a lever. He distinguishes between the real lever, and the potential levers, that is, the perpendiculars drawn from the centre upon the directions of the forces. This is quite sound and satisfactory. These views must in all probability have been sufficiently promulgated in Italy to influence the speculations of Galileo;

whose reasonings respecting the lever much resemble those of Leonardo. Da Vinci also anticipated Galileo in asserting that the time of descent of a body down an inclined plane is to the time of descent down its vertical length in the proportion of the length of the plane to the height. But this cannot, I think, have been more than a guess: there is no vestige of a proof given.]

The contemporaneous progress of the other branch of mechanics, the Doctrine of Motion, interfered with this independent advance of Statics; and to that we must now turn. We may observe, however, that true propositions respecting the composition of forces appear to have rapidly diffused themselves. The Tractatus de Motu of Michael Varro of Geneva, already noticed, printed in 1584, had asserted, that the forces which balance each other, acting on the sides of a rightangled triangular wedge, are in the proportion of the sides of the triangle; and although this assertion does not appear to have been derived from a distinct idea of pressure, the author had hence rightly deduced the properties of the wedge and the screw. And shortly after this time, Galileo also established the same results on different principles. In his Treatise Delle Scienze Mecaniche (1592), he refers the Inclined Plane to the Lever, in a sound and nearly satisfactory manner; imagining a lever so placed, that the motion of a body at the extremity of one of its arms should be in the same direction as it is upon the plane. A slight modification makes this an unexceptionable proof.

Sect. 3.-Prelude to the Science of Dynamics.—Attempts at the First Law of Motion.

We have already seen, that Aristotle divided Motions into Natural and Violent. Cardan endeavored to improve this division by making three classes: Voluntary Motion, which is circular and uniform, and which is intended to include the celestial motions; Natural Motion, which is stronger towards the end, as the motion of a falling body,— this is in a straight line, because it is motion to an end, and nature seeks her ends by the shortest road; and thirdly, Violent Motion, including in this term all kinds different from the former two. Cardan was aware that such Violent Motion might be produced by a very small force; thus he asserts, that a spherical body resting on a horizontal plane may be put in motion by any force which is sufficient to cleave the air; for which, however, he erroneously assigns as a reason,

the smallness of the point of contact. But the most common mistake of this period was, that of supposing that as force is requisite to move a body, so a perpetual supply of force is requisite to keep it in motion. The whole of what Kepler called his "physical" reasoning, depended upon this assumption. He endeavored to discover the forces by which the motions of the planets about the sun might be produced; but, in all cases, he considered the velocity of the planet as produced by, and exhibiting the effect of, a force which acted in the direction of the motion. Kepler's essays, which are in this respect so feeble and unmeaning, have sometimes been considered as disclosing some distant anticipation of Newton's discovery of the existence and law of central forces. There is, however, in reality, no other connection between these speculations than that which arises from the use of the term force by the two writers in two utterly different meanings. Kepler's Forces were certain imaginary qualities which appeared in the actual motion which the bodies had; Newton's Forces were causes which appeared by the change of motion: Kepler's Forces urged the bodies forwards; Newton's deflected the bodies from such a progress. If Kepler's Forces were destroyed, the body would instantly stop; if Newton's were annihilated, the body would go on uniformly in a straight line. Kepler compares the action of his Forces to the way in which a body might be driven round, by being placed among the sails of a windmill; Newton's Forces would be represented by a rope pulling the body to the centre. Newton's Force is merely mutual attraction; Kepler's is something quite different from this; for though he perpetually illustrates his views by the example of a magnet, he warns us that the sun differs from the magnet in this respect, that its force is not attractive, but directive. Kepler's essays may with considerable reason be asserted to be an anticipation of the Vortices of Descartes; but they can with no propriety whatever be said to anticipate Newton's Dynamical Theory.

The confusion of thought which prevented mathematicians from seeing the difference between producing and preserving motion, was, indeed, fatal to all attempts at progress on this subject. We have already noticed the perplexity in which Aristotle involved himself, by his endeavors to find a reason for the continued motion of a stone

In speaking of the force which would draw a body up an inclined plane he observes, that "per communem animi sententiam," when the plane becomes horizontal, the requisite force is nothing.

4 Epitome Astron. Copern. p. 176.

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