ness; some of them rode to their death with Sheridan in the Shenandoah; some of them perished in the martyrdom of prison life, looking only to the stars for hope. If we forget them in this centennial if we forget them then may God forget us. And now I say to-day: Freedom itself must be protected from the perils around it by the same fearless spirit. It will need the help of the strong and the stalwart in every part of the country; and in the spirit of generous magnanimity for all parts of the country.

Let us look now only to the future, with the sublime hope that God will save the nation, save it from the men who are dishonest, save it from the designs of men who would destroy it; and help us as He helped our fathers, so that religion and piety and truth and justice may be maintained among us for all generations.

ADDRESS OF REV. EDWARD EVERETT HALE.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTY, FELLOWCITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES: I certainly shall detain you but a very few minutes. I am speaking only because I am commissioned by the Governor of Massachusetts. We think our State has spoken very well here to-day already.

Massachusetts sends her hearty congratulations to you, and, as Dr. Loring says, "Massachusetts does not forget her children, her grandchildren, and the children of her grandchildren." Indeed, they say, kindly or unkindly, that Massachusetts does not forget any of her brethren wherever they may be; and when they are such as she looks upon so proudly here, why should she forget them? Why should she forget them?

There is a single contribution which the Governor would ask me to make, I think, to those lessons for the future that we have been speaking of, which have been taught in all her history. It has been her fortune since 1620, when, unfortunately, there was no one else to speak for the rights of men; it has been her fortune that, when there has been any speaking for men, either in commemoration of victory, or in prophesying fight, her speakers should be among the first called forth, and it shall continue to be so in days to come.

It happened that it was Manasseh Cutler who was to be the one who should call upon that Continental Congress to do the duty which they had pushed aside for five or six years. It happened that this diplomatist succeeded in doing in four days what had not been done in four years before.

What was the weight which Manasseh Cutler threw into the scale? It was not wealth; it was not the armor of the old time. It was simply the fact, known to all men, that the men of New England would not emigrate into any region where labor and its honest recompense are dishonorable.

The New England men will not go where it is not honorable to do an honest day's work, and for that honest day's work to

claim an honest recompense. They never have done it, and they never will do it; and it was that potent fact, known to all men, that Manasseh Cutler had to urge in his private conversation and in his diplomatic work. When he said, "I am going away from New York, and my constituents are not going to do this thing," he meant exactly what he said. They were not going to any place where labor was dishonorable, and where workmen were not recognized as freemen.

If they had not taken his promises they would not have come here; they would have gone to the Holland Company's lands in New York, or where Massachusetts was begging them to gointo the valley of the Penobscot or Kennebec; they would not go where labor was not honorable.

That has been the principle of the men from Massachusetts from 1620 to this moment, and it will be taught to their children for all time. It becomes us to say this.

I have been approached again and again and again by gentlemen in Louisiana and Texas who said, "What can we do to induce your hearty New Englanders to come down into Louisiana and Texas?" and I always answer, with a little laugh, "You would like some of our good capital?" "Yes," they say, "but we would like your men, the good old New England stock, on our savannas and prairies." The answer is, "The men of New England are not coming to the most beautiful savannas, the most fertile prairies, if thereby any taint upon honest industry rests upon them if there is anything disgraceful in honest work; and -the capital of New England will never be invested where there is no honest security given-whether it be by the blackest slave or the whitest laborer who chooses to employ that slave on his plantation."

"Men are born equal;" these were the words of Jefferson; these were the words which were put into the Bill of Rights of Massachusetts. That has been taught all the way through by all her children, all her representatives, all her acts.

Foreign writers do not understand it. I have hardly known a writer in England, or, indeed, on the Continent, who seems to understand it. They think we owe this wealth and prosperity to the rich river bottoms of Ohio, and that when these are ex

hausted the resources of wealth are exhausted. Or they say that it is due to the mines of the country. Tell me of what use were the mines, or of what use the river bottoms, as long as those longheaded people, of whom Professor Putnam told us, were here? How many people did the Shawnees feed when they had possession of these river bottoms? Did not this same natural gas, of which they speak, flow under us then? Were not the same coal fields here?

It is not your silver; it is not your gold; it is not your coal, or your iron, or your lead; it is not your gas that makes our wealth. It is the men who control these elements of nature and call them into being, and it is the women who go with the men to make the homes for them.

That is the lesson which America is teaching to the whole world; and out of that we will come to learn that lesson of political teaching that is not understood except as a certain theory about the government,-that there are certain natural advantages which it seems that God Almighty has seen fit to give to this part of the world.

Abraham Lincoln used an expression in his first message which was laughed at by many public writers and noticed much in Europe. It was not so much noticed here, because we knew it was true. They looked at it as a piece of bombast―a piece of gross exaggeration. Mr. Lincoln said there was many a regiment which he sent to the front in 1861 from which he could have chosen every member of his cabinet, every officer he needed in the administration of the country, and the country would have been well served. He could have picked out these men from every regiment. We know it was true.

The same thing might be repeated,-it is not a mere matter of pleasantry; it is simply a square fact, and I undertake to repeat this statement now, and here.

Suppose, in the great crisis of next fall, the country, in determining between two citizens of Ohio as to who shall be the next President, should choose Senator Thurman, or suppose they should choose Senator John Sherman. Sitting here, either of them might look around upon this audience which I am address