This proposal concerning classified personnel would interfere with the present operation of the public schools with respect to the examination, selection, and promotion of employees. The Board of Education has enjoyed the right to select its own employees for a long period of time, and the boards of examiners are very familiar with the require ments and the needs of all positions in the school system. We see no justification to change this procedure. Positions of a professional nature under the classified service which provide opportunities for promotion of the personnel under the Teachers' Salary Act could no longer be filled by the Board of Education. Such positions would necessarily have to be filled from the civil-service lists and in-service promotions could not be made by the Board of Education. Section 1301 (b) (1) removes the secretary of the Board of Education from the classified service. It is not clear why this employee is exempt from the general provisions which transfer all other employees not covered by the Teachers' Salary Act from the control of the Board of Education to civil service. This exemption might endanger the tenure and present status of this employee. Section 1103 (3) authorizes the Director of Vocational Rehabilitation to appoint members of the staff of the Commission on Vocational Rehabilitation, although these positions are not exempted from the civil-service authority in section 1301 (b), which places these two sections in conflict with each other. Summarizing, then, it is evident to us that these proposals would result in: A Board of Education with less authority than it has at present; A Board which may have its basic authority curtailed by action of the District Council; Fewer promotional opportunities for school personnel by reason of the transfer of classified service to the civil service, and thereby reduced morale among employees; Possibility of less leadership and continuity in the school system because of the indefinite term of the office of superintendent; Noneducational agency administering a child labor law which is closely related to the compulsory school attendance law; and Setting up under the Board of Education a vocational rehabilitation program separate and apart from the educational program of the public school, and administered by a commission having no responsibility to the Board of Education itself or to the superintendent of schools. Those are the objections we find to the measure as proposed, and we would urge that before this measure is enacted into law that those particular provisions be amended. That is all. Mr. ALLEN of California. Did the Board make any comment, or do you want to make any comment as to the election of the Board members? Dr. CORNING. No, sir; I think they were governed by modesty in that matter and thought it should be determined by other agencies than themselves. Mr. ALLEN of California. I believe you came to Washington from Denver? Dr. CORNING. No, sir; I came directly from Omaha, Nebr. Dr. CORNING. Yes, sir. Mr. ALLEN of California. And was it compensated in any way? Mr. ALLEN of California. Have you served with any that have been paid? Dr. CORNING. No, sir; and all the boards I have served under until coming to Washington have been elected boards. Mr. HARRIS. Do you have any comment for information, of course, and not necessarily criticism-what is your comment as to your reaction on the best-administered school system, coming from an elected school board to where you have an appointed school board. Dr. CORNING. I have no criticism of the present method of selecting school board members, if you are asking for my private opinion. think it has been very effective and the judges have been very selective in selecting people and it seems to have worked very well. Mr. HARRIS. From your experience would you judge that there was more political pressure exerted, insofar as the affairs of the school system were concerned, on an elected board rather than in the case of an appointed board? - Dr. CORNING. May I be perfectly clear, that I am answering as an individual? Mr. HARRIS. Yes, based on your experience. I recognize that this is a highly important issue. There are many people throughout the country who believe the school board should be controlled by an election and that they should be elected. Then there are other people who believe that they should be appointed. There are still others who believe they should be controlled by an elected superintendent through various ways, such as the State superintendent and the county superintendent. Dr. CORNING. Yes, sir. Mr. HARRIS. So there are various opinions that are fundamental as to how the administration of the schools should be carried on, and that is the reason I am asking, not merely to put you on the spot. Dr. CORNING. I do not mind being put on the spot when it is clear I am speaking for myself and not for the Board of Education. Mr. HARRIS. Yes, sir. Dr. CORNING. Perhaps I have been particularly fortunate, but I have not been aware of any undue pressure, political or otherwise, in serving under elected boards of education, and I may say neither have I been here. I think the two can be quite comparable. Of course, instances are known in this country of certain communities in which the affairs of the schools have gotten into such bad shape through some political pressure on the board of education, but that has not been in my experience. Mr. HARRIS. Personally, Dr. Corning, I appreciate having the benefit of your information. I think you have pointed out to this committee rather highly important problems, insofar as our school problems are concerned, and which seem to indicate the lack of proper consideration in preparing this proposed legislation, particularly with reference to the schools, and certainly your criticisms are very important and we appreciate your having pointed up these fallacies in regard to these matters which mean so much to every person in the District of Columbia interested in children, schools, and the problem of providing an education for every child. Dr. CORNING. There is just one other generality before I leave this question. The thing most serious in school administration the whole country over is the independence of the Board of Education from any kind of political interference, and by that I don't mean just unfavorable political interference, but the autonomy of a board of education which is operating a highly specialized business. That is very important and if it should come about that this bill would be enacted into law and if the standing city council, be it ever so capable a council, would have the authority to change the basic functions and authority of the board of education, I think it would be very ruinous for the schools of the District of Columbia. I think whatever happens you should preserve in the hands of the board of education the basic authority which it now enjoys and keep it as autonomous as possible. I think that is the most crucial point to be observed. Mr. HARRIS. Thank your, Dr. Corning. I do feel that notwithstanding a lot of indications otherwise, that you and others have brought before this committee for consideration problems which in my opinion make the necessity of holding these hearings and studying these matters, and not jumping into something for the sake only of merely trying to carry out an ideology. It is certainly fine to promote the interests, the honor, and privileges of the people in the practice of democracy by the application of it in such a way that those things will be protected; and I appreciate the fact that you have been one of those who pointed up those things which we should consider. I think there is a grave responsibility on this committee and Members of Congress in respect to what is provided and brought out in this regard. Mr. ALLEN of California. I have been concerned from the outset in regard to the election of the school board, as to the question of the desirability of having each office designated and having the various candidates for the specific offices contest against each other, as opposed to the system of having a group of candidates run and having to select the three or four receiving the highest number of votes, and I mention this having had some experience serving on an elected school board; and it seemed to me always on the school board where we had an election where the officers were designated and candidates ran specifically for each position, that when the question of public approval of the school system was presented, it was almost invariable that there was a group that definitely approved and fostered the program that was in existence, and there was an opposing group which criticized it and promised a change, and the people of the community had the choice of one group or the other, and the people decided the question as to how the department should be operated in the future. I have always had the thought that where a number of people who got the highest number of votes were selected, say the three or four highest were elected, then the election was merely the result of their voicing their views in advance on which they were elected to the school board; and that they were committed to policies before appointment to the board, rather than deciding policies when members of the board in the light of all the information that became available to them. Have you any comment from your experience as to the relative desirability of either of the two systems? Dr. CORNING. Well I believe, sir, that points to a very serious problem in connection with any election of school board members, that problem being that it becomes necessary for candidates for membership on the school board to announce their candidacy, and also for them to withstand the rigors of an election campaign in which they are practically forced to make certain commitments. I don't believe in that. So they are very apt to go on the board of education with closed minds, and I do think particularly in the administration of a business like that of a school system in a community, that the members of the board of education should go on that board with open minds, ready to study the problems and find out what they are, rather than to make commitments that this is wrong or that is right before they are in possession of the background. I have seen that happen many times where they were all bound with commitments and when they found what the actual facts were, they had to change their point of view and were embarrassed by it. Frankly, sir, specifically as to your question, it would seem to me it would be better that candidates run for the school board, not for a specific position on the board, and those receiving the highest number of votes should be elected. That is based on the experience that I have had. There is danger in the other thing for sectionalism to creep in. If you are running for a specific position, then you are running to represent a specific element of the community. Mr. ALLEN of California. I did not have in mind that the seats on the board would be handled that way, but that each of the nine or seven would run as representatives of the whole community. Dr. CORNING. It would be my opinion that it would be best if the members of the board of education, the individual members, were not running for a specific seat, however, they might be designated, but they would be running for seats on the board of education. Mr. ALLEN. Off the record. (Discussion off the record.) Mr. HARRIS. Thank you very much, Doctor. It is way past 12 o'clock and the House is in session. Obviously, we are not going to be able to continue the hearing today, although we had hoped so much to get through with all those who were notified to be here this morning. There were 11 in all and we have only been able to hear 5. I wonder if I might inquire if any of the other witnesses who came here prepared to testify this morning would desire to file a statement for the record for the information of the committee, which will be considered, and let that suffice as his or her statement; or if you care to make just a brief statement in the presentation of your statement, if you have prepared one, we would be glad to give you that opportunity. But I do want to remind you that we are already over our time. I am sure no one here would be satisfied with that procedure. Mr. CHAPMAN. Mr. Chairman, if there is no objection I could make a brief statement for the District of Columbia Federation of Civic Associations. Mr. HARRIS. Mr. Chapman, you are one of the witnesses who was to appear here this morning? It is very Mr. CHAPMAN. Yes, sir. I can read my statement. short. Mr. HARRIS. You may have the privilege of doing so if you care to. Would you like to make a brief statement? Mr. CHAPMAN. Yes. STATEMENT OF BERNARD C. CHAPMAN, FEDERATION OF CIVIC ASSOCIATIONS Mr. CHAPMAN. The District of Columbia Federation of Civic Associations requests the inclusion of the following specific legislative provisions in the proposed home rule charter now under consideration by the honorable House Committee on the District of Columbia: 1. Home rule (self-government) for the District of Columbia, with national representation at the pleasure of the Congress. 2. A Council of the District of Columbia of locally elected representatives and chosen representatives of the National Government. 3. Election of members of the Council of the District of Columbia from uniform precincts set up into wards-not voted for at large. 4. A board of education of the District of Columbia to be elected in the same manner as members of the Council of the District of Columbia. 5. A District manager appointed by the Council. 6. Barring from registration for voting of persons convicted of crimes involving moral turpitude (unless pardoned) and of persons of less than 2 years of actual continuous residence here. We oppose educational tests of the type in section 1207-A (3) of Senate bill 1527. 7. Public housing rather than private exploitation under cover of slum clearance through exercise of the power of eminent domain by Government. 8. Finally, the District of Columbia Federation of Civic Associations expresses the hope that the Congress will be pleased to provide a flawless model of honest municipal government which will be a credit to the capital of the United States, both now and ever. These provisions were prepared by the Committee on Suffrage of which Mrs. Willis White, of 5212 B Street SE, is the chairman, and were approved by the Federation of Civic Associations. I think this covers the things our Federation desires. It is a fair statement. There is no use in taking up any more of your time. Mrs. EVANS. Mr. Chairman, I think I would be next on the list. Mr. HARRIS. Mrs. Evans, we are glad to hear you. STATEMENT OF MRS. GERTRUDE EVANS, PROGRESSIVE PARTY OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Mrs. EVANS. I am Mrs. Gertrude Evans, of the Progressive Party. I do not want to impose on the committee, but I would like to present this short statement. We are for home rule. The Progressive Party of the District of Columbia is gratified that home rule for the District of Columbia and reorganization of the District government is receiving attention by the subcommittee of the District of Columbia Committee. Dr. Clark Foreman, who is our chairman, is at present out of town and unable to attend. He testified before Senator Kefauver's subcommittee on two occasions, pointing out that the restoring of the democratic right to vote to the people of the Nation's Capital is |