grow, and money-getting is about to become the absorbing business of the whole population.

In the meantime where will be the old-time chivalry of the South men who nurtured "that chastity of honor which felt a stain like a wound," men who scorned to use official influence for private advantage, whose pride made them incorruptible? Under the new order of things, the white citizens being devoted to the acquisition of wealth, and the negro voters, for the most part, being the unresisting victims of intimidation and bribery, it is not reasonable to expect that the South hereafter will produce George Washingtons, Thomas Jeffersons, Andrew Jacksons, John C. Calhouns or Henry Clays. Such men are not reared in a society controlled by the money-getting element. If hereafter that class of men are to direct federal affairs they must be produced at the North. Already, with the assent of the South, the government of this vast republic is practically under direction of the northern Democracy, and there, according to the signs of the times, it is likely to remain for an indefinite future. We ought to realize the weight of the responsibility that rests upon us. We ought to remember that we are American citizens and sovereigns of one of the most powerful nations on the earth, that there is not in this world any position more grand and dignified than the one we occupy. We ought to remember, when as sovereigns we appoint our public servants that we must be true to ourselves if we would have our public servants true to their trusts. In seeking the wisdom needed to guide us in this work we cannot do better than to study such examples as the life of Colonel George affords. His example illustrates the adherence to fundamental principles, the zeal in their maintenance, the singleness of purpose and the independence that characterizes the true disciple of the Democratic faith.

The result of the presidential campaign of 1884 put it in the power of the Democracy to give recognition to those who had done them faithful service, and Colonel George became a candidate for the naval office at Boston. He was not appointed. No complaining murmur escaped his lips. He was silent over his disappointment, but we know that he must have felt it keenly and deeply.

"The flesh will quiver where the pincers tear,

The blood will follow where the knife is driven."

However, individually, we may have acted in this matter, I believe that we all would have been glad if this cup had passed from him. With Spartan firmness he bowed to the inevitable. He was a man of "cheerful yesterdays and confident tomorrows, ," and could no more stay himself from active work than the mountain torrent can stop its floods in their course. He continued in his lifelong habits of thought and action, and did his accustomed work with the old time vigor. If his life and strength had been spared until today we should see him in the grand presidential struggle now just commenced, where always he was wont to be, in the front rank, face to face with the foe, steadfastly upholding the cause of the Democracy. He was especially well qualified to elucidate the tariff, the great question involved in the present contest. In his early political career he took part in the discussion of this question before a former generation of voters. It was then determined, after full discussion, that paying taxes on goods for the benefit of monopolists does not cheapen them to the consumer; that competition is the life of business, and that the freer and less hampered men are, the better is their chance for success. When the Civil War broke out it was and had been for a long time the settled doctrine of the country that trade should not be hampered with taxes to raise money beyond what was necessary for the support of the government. To meet the expenses of the war heavy taxes were imposed upon imports with the express understanding that they should be reduced accordingly as the call for revenue diminished. Those heavy taxes for a long time have been raising money largely in excess of the wants of the government, and hoarding up the money of the country in the vaults of the treasury of the United States, and yet the specious argument and deceiving catchwords of the monopolists hitherto have deluded the present generation of voters and prevented any reduction of taxes. Colonel George, with his scathing logic and vigorous reasoning would have been an effective worker in demonstrating to the popular understanding the folly of taxing trade merely for the purpose of curtailing and prohibiting it. But "the pitcher is

broken at the fountain"; his sinewy arm is stiff and cold, his voice forever silenced. The wear and tear of life has done its work, and Colonel George is now only a name and a memory.

He kept the field with the old time vigor until the spring of 1887, when his powers suddenly weakened. He could no longer concentrate his intellectual resources at will and throw them with lightning-like force upon the subject in hand. He had hopelessly fallen into the decrepitude of age.

"Age must fly concourse, cover in retreat
Defects in judgment and the will subdue,
Walk thoughtful on the silent, solmn shore
Of that vast ocean it must sail so soon."

His enfeebled faculties were still in even balance and he was rational. He was alive to the calls of friendship, and kept up his old habits of hospitality. With equanimity he made preparation for the last great change which soon came.

In religion Colonel George was liberal. He did not annoy other people with his religious opinions nor ridicule theirs, however absurd they might seem to him. He realized that the human mind has a circumscribed scope, and he held it to be folly for men to contend in regard to questions that can be determined only by evidence which lies beyond the limits of their powers. But his philosophy was not shallow enough to make him an atheist. It went deeper than that. He could see that the finite is everywhere bounded by the infinite, and that the Ruler of the infinity which surrounds us must have powers as boundless as the sway. His philosophy went deep enough to find evidence that satisfied him that there was a Being, above all other beings, who ruled the universe.

Colonel George had a long period of active, vigorous life, though his years fell short of three score and ten. His season of decrepitude was brief. We who have been associated with him, and been accustomed to seeing him on the lead, in view of the certainty that he only just precedes us in crossing the dark river, may well exclaim in the words of another on a different occasion: "Go, brave heart, as thou hast been wont to go and we will follow thee." He has left his mark on his day and generation. and hereafter he will stand forth in tradition and in

history, a typical man from the indomitable phalanx of the Democracy of New Hampshire, and his name and memory will remain a bright jewel to adorn the state.

TRIBUTE TO THE MEMORY OF GEN. GILMAN MARSTON.

DELIVERED BEFORE THE GRAFTON AND COös BAR ASSOCIATION AT THE ANNUAL MEETING AT WOODSVILLE, N. H., JANUARY 30, 1891.

Mr. President and Gentlemen:

I knew General Marston very well in his lifetime, and had considerable intimacy with him, and perhaps it may be reasonably expected that I should be able to discuss his character. I was asked to say something on the present occasion in reference to General Marston's capacity and character as a legislator, limiting what I should say to the consideration of him in that particular. It is impracticable to speak in a given particular of a man's character without having in mind to a large degree his general character.

I think it is too much the practice in discussing the characteristics of a deceased friend to bury his real qualities underneath a mass of glittering generalities and fulsome eulogy; in that way we lose sight of his identity. When we discuss the character of a good and brave man it is a just analysis of his character that he deserves, not a mere indiscriminating laudation.

In speaking of General Martson, my first proposition would be that he was a man of integrity, that his love of country was stronger than his partisanship, that selfish interests could not control him where principle was involved, that no mercenary considerations however great could bribe him to forfeit his selfrespect and become dishonest.

That he was a man of integrity his fellow citizens, who met him daily all his lifetime, know. The bar, before whom he went in and out for a period of half a century, know. His clients know. The soldiers that served under him knew it. President Lincoln and his cabinet knew it. And in fact, although his position in the army was not of a very high grade, he was re

peatedly sent for and consulted during the war by the president, Mr. Lincoln, and by the secretary of war, Mr. Stanton, in regard to the affairs of the army, and he was consulted especially as a man upon whose judgment and account of what was going on they could rely. His associates in Congress and in the New Hampshire Legislature knew his integrity. That love of country was stronger than partisanship; that selfish interests could not control him when principle was involved is shown by his action throughout his political life. He did not hesitate to speak out at all times, and on all occasions, what he thought, however it might affect his whole political prospects in the party to which he belonged.

That mercenary considerations could not shake his character and make him dishonest is another proposition. I recall a story which he told me himself, and which I have heard from other sources, and which I do not doubt. During the time he was in the military service he was put in command of Point Lookout and had charge of a very large number of rebel prisoners. He was furnished with rations for the prisoners similar to what was dealt out to the soldiers in actual service - hardtack, salt beef, and salt pork in large quantities, but the soldiers when doing nothing had not much appetite for that sort of food, and so he disposed of much of it, and being near the truck gardens of Norfolk, where vegetables were very cheap, he bought those for his prisoners, and they grew fat, hearty, and jolly. When he got through his term there, he had a large sum of money wich the provisions he had sold had brought, over and above what he had bought, cost, somewhere between one and two hundred thousand dollars, and he went up to Washington to settle his accounts with the auditor there, and drew out this money. The auditor said, what is that? and he told him. The auditor said, I never heard of any such thing as that before in all my experience in settling with officers. General Marston might probably have pocketed and brought home that large amount of money, and inquiries would never have been made. Many men, perhaps, situated in the army as he was, would have carried it home, but General Marston could not afford to pocket his self-respect and become dishonest by taking that money.