Previous to the discussion of the third head, the author thinks it worth confidering, what fort of peace and fecurity fuch • men may derive from a new restraint of the press.'

He obferves, that flander is remarkably keen and active;" That the obftructions it meets with in one channel, will • only have the effect of producing a more copious eruption in another.'

That men who dare not print will write; and tho' their writings will not be circulated with the velocity of fugitive pieces from the prefs, they will make a much deeper, and a more lafting impreffion.'

That every hand through which they pafs, will transcribe them, for the pleasure of poffeffing, and the power of com⚫municating a fecret.-That men will be more difpofed to ⚫ talk over what is fo cautiously circulated, than things which ⚫ become too familiar, by being in the hands of the multitude;' and that in the courfe of fuch conversations, cir• cumstances will arife, which will inflame the odium of the unpopular men. Their birth, education, connections, confanguinities, measures, perfonal foibles, and even their afpect, their vifage, if at all unpromifing, will confirm the diflike, and ripen it into clamour and execration.

Where then,' (fays the author) is the peace and fecurity, < which individuals can hope for from a new reftraint of the prefs?-When the measures, or the power, of any individuals, are become alarming to the public; a whole nation must be ftruck dumb, or fome things will be said, which may prove the use of speech to be as great a nufance to fome men as the liberty of the prefs.'

The author next confiders, at what expence this imaginary peace and fecurity of individuals must be purchased.

Firft,' (fays he) at the expence of one of those natural ⚫ rights, which were referved at the inftitution of civil fociety, the right of communicating our thoughts, provided they be neither treasonable nor blafphemous.

In the fecond place-at the expence of learning, of improvements in fcience, and of difcoveries in nature and • religion.

The third article is that for which our forefathers ftruggled, at the hazard, and sometimes at the expence of their lives and fortunes, THE LIBERTY OF THIS COUNTRY.'

The author proceeds next to give the characters of fuch men, as will moft probably determine to overthrow the liberty of the prefs; and then concludes thus:

• But

Memoirs of NICHOLAS GABRINI De Rienzi.

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But I will not alarm the well-affected part of my countrymen. It may, perhaps, be more feafonable to congratulate them, that there are friends to liberty in high offices, for we may reft affured, that they at leaft will do juftfce to the mafter whom they serve.

This, indeed, is not the only fecurity of the public, for there are certain marks, by which the influence of bad defigning men may be difcerned; and till those marks appear, there is no pretence for jealousy.

When the public affairs are carried on by the advice of a private CABAL; when that cabal confifts of men, who ⚫ are more popular among the difaffected, than the loyal part of the people; when the well-affected fhrug their shoulders, and whisper the difcontent, which prudence and obligations, or decency restrain them from avowing; when men of known unfhaken zeal for the fervice of their king and country are discountenanced; when party diftinctions are said to be abolished, whilft the worst principles, of the most dangerous party, are infidioufly gaining ground, and the principles of liberty, in which the revolution was founded, decrease in their value, by not being current; when men are advanced to high ftations, who ftand in need of vouchers for fo indifpenfible prefuppofed a qualification as their loyalty; and, in fhort, when confiderations of decency, of policy, and even of public peace, are facrificed to the narrow views, the party prejudices, and the unpopular fupport of the cabal; then a free people will make use of their eyes < to fee, of their tongues to speak, and of their hands to write; then the liberty of the prefs will be exercised upon its proper ⚫ objects, for it will be legally and honourably employed, in the ⚫ defence of the crown, and of the liberty of the subject.'

ART. IV. Memoirs of Nicholas Gabrini de Rienzi, who from a low and defpicable fituation, raised himself to fovereign authority in Rome, in the fourteenth century; affuming the title of Tribune, and propofing to restore the antient free republic. Collected from contemporary authors, and the beft hiftorians during that period. From the French of the reverend fathers Brumoy and Cerceau. 12mo. 3s. Griffiths, &c.

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HIS performance is faid to be a pofthumous work of Cerceau's, and finished by Brumoy; names that have born no indifferent characters in the literary world. The at

chiev

chievements and fucceffes of an Alexander or Cæfar, at the head of a mighty army, affect the mind rather with furprize than pleasure, while we cannot eafily avoid interefting ourselves, in the fortunes of the more obfcure adventurer, who only fets an example of what may poffibly be in the power of many to imitate. The history before us, to use the tranflator's words in his preface,fhews how much is in the power of a private man, who has great parts, much industry, and an enthufiastic spirit of ambition. Such a one we [here] fee, without • the aid of birth, rank, fortune, intereft, or the command of · any force, may raise himself, by chufing a popular theme, ⚫ and managing it with addrefs, to that kind of authority most hard to be attained, but withal most hard to be fhaken, do• minion founded on principle, and feconded by affection.'

The hero of these memoirs, who afterwards was appointed the arbitrator between even fovereign princes, was born at Rome, and was the fon of no greater a perfonage than a mean vintner*, named Laurence Gabrini, and Magdalen, a landrefs.

However, Nicholas Rienzi, by which appellation he was commonly diftinguifhed, did not form his fentiments from the meanness of his birth. To a good natural understanding, he joined an uncommon affiduity, and made a great proficiency in antient literature. C Every thing he read, he compared • with fimilar paffages, that occurred within his own obfervation, from whence he made reflections, by which he regulated his whole conduct. To this he added a great knowledge in the laws and cuftoms of nations. He had a vast memory; he retained all Cicero, Vaierius Maximus, Livy, the two Senecas, and Cæfar's commentaries especially, which ⚫ he read continually, and often quoted by application to the ⚫ events of his own times. This fund of learning proved the bafis and foundation of his rife: the defire he had to diftinguish himself in the knowledge of monumental history, drew ⚫ him to another fort of science, which few men at that time • exerted themselves in. He paffed whole days among the infcriptions which are to be found at Rome, and acquired foon the reputation of a great antiquary in that way.' Having from hence formed within himself the most exalted notions of the justice, liberty, and antient grandeur of the old Romans, words he was perpetually repeating to the people, he at length perfuaded not only himself, but the giddy mob, his followers, that he fhould one day become the reftorer of the Roman republic. His advantageous ftature, his

* By fome authors, particularly in the Hiftoire de Papes, Laurence Gabrini is faid to have been a miller. • coun

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Memoirs of NICHOLAS GABRINI DE RIENZI. countenance, and that air of importance, which he well knew how to affume, deeply imprinted all he said in the • minds of his audience:' nor was, it only by the populace that he was admired, he also found means to infinuate himself into the favour of those who partook of the administration.

Rienzi's talents procured him to be nominated one of the deputies fent by the Romans to Pope Clement the fixth, who refided at Avignon. The intention of this deputation was to make his holinefs fenfible, how prejudicial his abfence was, as well to himself, as to the intereft of Rome. At his firft au

dience, our hero charmed the court of Avignon by his eloquence, and the sprightliness of his converfation. Encouraged by fuccefs, he one day took the liberty to tell the pope that the grandees of Rome were avowed robbers, public thieves, infamous adulterers, and illuftrious profligates; who by their example authorized the moft horrid crimes. To ⚫ them he attributed the defolation of Rome, of which he drew • fo lively a picture, that the holy father was moved, and ex⚫ceedingly incenfed against the Roman nobility.'

Cardinal Colonna, in other respects a lover of real merit, could not help confidering these reproaches as reflecting upon fome of his family, and therefore found means of difgracing Rienzi, fo that he fell into extreme mifery, vexation, and ficknefs, which, joined with indigence, brought him to an hofpital. Nevertheless, the fame hand that threw him down, raised him up again. The cardinal, who was all compaffion, caused him to appear before the pope, in affurance of his being a good man, and a great partizan for justice and equity. The pope approv'd of him more than ever, and to give him proofs of his efteem and confidence, he made him apoftolic notary, and fent him back loaded with favours. Notwithstanding which, his fubfequent behaviour fhewed, tnat resentment had a greater ascendancy over him { than gratitude.'

Being returned to Rome, he began to execute the functions of his office; wherein, by his affability, candour, affiduity, and impartiality, in the administration of juftice, he arrived at a fuperior degree of popularity; which he ftill improved by his continued invectives against the vices of the great, whom he took care to render as odious as poffible; till at laft, for fome ill-tim'd freedoms of fpeech, he was not only feverely reprimanded, but difplaced. His difmiffion did not make him defift from inveighing against the debauched, tho' he conducted himself with more prudence. From this time it was his conftant endeavour to infpire the people with a fondness for their

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antient liberties; to which purpose, he caufed to be hung up, in the most public places, emblematic pictures, expreffive of the former fplendor, and prefent decline of Rome. To these he added frequent harangues and predictions upon the fame fubject. In this manner he proceeded, till one party looked on him only as a mad-man, while others careffed him as their protector.

Thus Rienzi infatuated the minds of the people, and many of the nobility began to come into his views. The fenate in no wife mistrusted a man whom they judged to have neither intereft nor ability. At length he ventured to open himself to fuch as he believed male-contents. At first he took them feparately; afterwards, when he thought he had firmly attached a sufficient number to his intereft, he affembled them together, and represented to them the deplorable ftate of the city, overrun with debaucheries; and the incapacities of their governours to correct or amend them. As a neceffary foundation ⚫ for the enterprize, he gave them an infight into the immense • revenues of the apoftolic chamber; he demonftrated that • the pope could, only at the rate of four-pence, raise a hundred thoufand florins by firing, as much by falt, and as much more by the cuftoms and other duties. "As for the reft, “(faid he) I would not have you imagine, that it is without "the pope's confent I lay hands on the revenues, Alas! how "many others in this city plunder the effects of the church " contrary to his will.

By this artful lie, he fo animated his auditors that they declared they would make no fcruple of fecuring these treafures for whatever end might be moft convenient, and that they were devoted to the will of him their chief.

Having obtained fo much, to fecure his adherents from a revolt, he tendered them a paper, fuperfcribed, an oath to ⚫ procure the good establishment, and made them fubscribe and fwear to it before he difmifs'd them.

By what means Rienzi prevailed on the pope's vicar to give á tacit fanction to his project, is not certainly known; that he did procure that fanction, and that it was looked on as a mafter-piece of policy, is generally admitted. • The 20th of May, being Whitfunday, he fixed upon to fanctify in fome fort his enterprize and pretended that all he acted was by < particular inspiration of the Holy Ghoft. About nine he came out of the church bare-headed, accompanied by the • Pope's vicar, and surrounded by an hundred armed men. • vaft croud followed him with fhouts and acclamations.” The gentlemen confpirators carried three ftandards before him,

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