Inaugural Address of Thomas Jefferson. House of Representatives therewith, and desire the appointment of a committee on their part. Mr. ADAMS, from the committee, reported that they had waited upon the President of the United States, who informed them that he had no further communications to make to the two Houses of Congress. The Secretary was then directed to inform the House of Representatives that the Senate, haying finished the business before them, are about to adjourn. Whereupon, the Senate adjourned. MARCH 4, 1805. On Monday, at 12 o'clock, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, took the oath of office, and delivered the following Inaugural Speech, in the Senate Chamber, in the presence of the members of the two Houses, and a large concourse of citizens: PROCEEDING, fellow-citizens, to that qualification which the Constitution requires before my entrance on the charge conferred on me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow-citizens at large, and the zeal with which it inspires me so to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just expectations. sees a tax-gatherer of the United States? These contributions enable us to support the current expenses of the Government; to fulfil contracts with foreign nations; to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits; to extend those limits; and to apply such a surplus to our public debts, as places, at a short day, their final redemption; and that redemption, once effected, the revenue thereby liberated may, by a just repartition of it among the States, and a corresponding amendment of canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education, and other the Constitution, be applied, in time of peace, to rivers, great objects, within each State. In time of war, injustice by ourselves, or others, must sometimes produce war, increased, as the same revenue will be, by increased population and consumption, and aided by other resources reserved for that crisis, it may meet, within the year, all the expenses of the year, without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burdening them with the debts of the past. War will then be but a suspension of useful works; and a return to a state of peace, a return to the progress of improvement. if I have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us to extend our limits; but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called on ; and, in the mean time, may keep down the accruing interest: in all events, it will replace the advances we shall have made. I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by some, from a candid On taking this station, on a former occasion, I de-apprehension that the enlargement of our territory clared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth. My conscience tells me I have, on every occasion, acted up to that declaration, according to its obvious import, and to the understanding of every candid mind. would endanger its union. But who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions: and, in any view, is it not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children, than by strangers of another family? With which should we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse? In the transaction of your foreign affairs, we have endeavored to cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations. We have done them justice on all occasions; favor, where favor was lawful, and cher- In matters of religion, I have considered that its free ished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal exercise is placed by the Constitution independent of terms. We are firmly convinced, and we act on that the powers of the General Government. I have thereconviction, that with nations, as with individuals, our fore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the reliinterests, soundly calculated, will ever be found insepa-gious exercises suited to it; but have left them, as the rable from our moral duties; and history bears witness | to the fact, that a just nation is trusted on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others. At home, fellow-citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. These, covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation, which, once entered, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching, successively, every article of property and produce. If, among these taxes, some minor ones fell, which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them; and because, if they had any merit, the State authorities might adopt them instead of others less approved. The remaining revenue, on the consumption of foreign articles, is paid chiefly by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts. Being collected on our seaboard and frontiers only, and incorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may be the pleasure and the pride of an American to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, what laborer, ever Constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of the Church or State authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies. The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries I have regarded with the commisseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores. Without power to divert, or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current, or driven before it. Now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence; and to prepare them in time for that state of society which, to bodily comforts, adds the improvement of the mind and morals. We have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use; we have placed among them instructers in the arts of first necessity; and they are covered with the ægis of the law against aggressors from among ourselves. But the endeavors to enlighten them on the fate Inaugural Address of Thomas Jefferson. service to public morals and public tranquillity, in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law. But the experiment is noted to prove, that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions, in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint. The public judgment will correct false reasonings and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties; and no other definite which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter. They are combatted by the habits of their bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals among them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other. These persons incul-line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of cate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their the press, and its demoralizing licentiousness. If there ancestors; that whatsoever they did, must be done be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain, through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to its supplement must be sought in the censorship of pubadvance under its counsel in their physical, moral, or lic opinion. political condition, is perilous innovation; that their Contemplating the union of sentiment now maniduty is to remain as their Creator made them; ignor-fested so generally, as auguring harmony and happiance being safety, and knowledge full of danger. In ness to our future course, I offer to our country sincere short, my friends, among them, also, is seen the action congratulations. With those, too, not yet rallied to the and counteraction of good sense and of bigotry. They, same point, the disposition to do so is gaining strength. too, have thsir anti-philosophists, who find an interest in Facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them: keeping things in their present state; who dread refor- and our doubting brethren will at length see that the mation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the mass of their fellow-citizens, with whom they cannot yet ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our rea- resolve to act, as to principles and measures, think as son, and obeying its mandates. they think, and desire what they desire: that our wish, as well as theirs, is, that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good; that peace be cultivated; civil and religious liberty unassailed; law and order preserved; equality of rights maintained; and that state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry, or that of his father's. When satisfied of these views, it is not in human nature that they should not approve and sup port them. In the mean time, let us cherish them wit patient affection; let us do them justice, and more than justice, in all competitions of interest; and we need not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interests, will at length prevail; will gather them into the fold of During this course of Administration, and in or- their country, and will complete that entire union of der to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been opinion which gives to a nation the blessing of harmolevelled against us, charged with whatsoever its licen-ny, and the benefit of all its strength. tiousness could devise or dare. These abuses of an institution, so important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its safety. They might, indeed, have been corrected by the wholesome punish-I ments reserved to, and provided by, the laws of the several States against falsehood and defamation; and public duties, more urgent, press on the time of public In giving these outlines, I do not mean, fellow-citizens, to arrogate to myself the merit of the measuresthat is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. It is due to the sound discretion with which they select from among themselves those to whom they confide the Legislative duties. It is due to the zeal and wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations of public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains for others; and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose patriotism has associated them with me in the Executive functions. servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation. Nor was it uninteresting to the world, that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth? Whether a Government, conducting itself in the true spirit of its Constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation ? The experiment has been tried. witnessed the scene. You have Our fellow-citizens looked on cool and collected. They saw the latent source from which these outrages proceeded. They gathered around their public functionaries; and when the Constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believes that he may be trusted with the control of his own affairs. No inference is here intended, that the laws provided by the States against false and defamatory publications, should not be enforced. He who has time, renders a I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow. citizens have again called me, and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved. I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray. am sensible of no passion which could seduce me, knowingly, from the path of justice; but the weaknesses of human nature, and the limits of my own understanding, will produce errors of judgment, sometimes injurious to your interests. I shall need, therefore, all the indulgence which I have heretofore expe certainly not lessen with increasing years. rienced from my constituents. The want of it will need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we I shall are; who led our fathers, as Israel of old, from their with all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has native land, and planted them in a country flowing covered our infancy with His providence, and our riper years with His wisdom and power; and to whose goodness I ask you to join in supplications with me, that He will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, that, whatsoever they do, shall result in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and appprobation of all nations. After which, the Chief Justice of the United States administered to him the oath of office prescribed by the Constitution; and the oath was, in like manner, administered to GEORGE CLINTON, Vice President of the United States; after which, the PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT retired. AN ASSOCIATE JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, IMPEACHED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, BEFORE THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. [TAKEN IN SHORT-HAND BY SAMUEL H. SMITH AND THOMAS LLOYD.] [The following report of the trial of SAMUEL CHASE has been drawn up with the greatest care. To guard against misconception or omission, two individuals, one of whom is a professional stenographer, were constantly engaged during the whole course of the trial; and the arguments of the managers and counsel have in most instances, and whenever it was attainable, been revised by them. It is with some satisfaction that the editor of this impression is enabled, under these circumstances, to submit to the public a tract, whose fidelity and comprehensiveness, he hopes will amply reward the interest so deeply excited by the progress and issue of this important trial.-Editor National Intelligencer.] MEASURES PRELIMINARY TO THE TRIAL. On the fifth day of January 1804, Mr: J. RANDOLPH, a member of the House of Representatives of the United States, rose and addressed that body to the following effect: any efficient result, I did not then think proper to take any steps in the business. Finding my attention, however, thus drawn to a consideration of the character of the officer in question, I made it my business, considering it my duty, as well to myself as those whom I represent, to investigate the charges then made and the official character of the judge, in general. The result having convinced me that there exists ground of impeachment against this officer, I demand an inquiry into his conduct, and therefore submit to the House the following resolution: "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the official conduct of SAMUEL CHASE, one of the Associate Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, and to report their opinion, whether the said SAMUEL CHASE hath so acted in his judicial capacity as to require the interposition of the Constitutional power of this House." The House, on the next day, resumed the con He observed That no people were more fully which was advocated by Messrs. J. RANDOLPH, A short debate immediately arose on this motion, impressed with the importance of preserving unpolluted the fountain of justice than the citizens SMILIE, and J. CLAY; and opposed by Mr. ELLIOT. of these States. With this view the Constitution Several members supported a motion to postpone of the United States, and of many of the States it until the ensuing day, which was superseded by also, had rendered the magistrates who decided an adjournment of the House. judicially between the State and the offending citizens, and between man and man, more independ-sideration of Mr. RANDOLPH's motion, which was ent than those of any other country in the world, supported by Mr. SMILIE, and, on the motion of in the hope that every inducement, whether of in- Mr. LEIB, SO amended as to embrace an inquiry timidation or seduction, which should cause them into the official conduct of Richard Peters, district to swerve from the duty assigned to them, might be judge for the District of Pennsylvania. On the motion, thus amended, further debate arose, which removed. But such was the frailty of human nature, that there was no precaution by which our occupied the greater part of this and the ensuing integrity and honor could be preserved, in case we day. It was supported by Messrs. FINDLEY, JACKwere deficient in that duty which we owed to our- EARLY, SMILIE, and EPPES; and opposed by SON, NICHOLSON, HOLLAND, J. RANDOLPH, EUSTIS, selves. In consequence, sir," said Mr. Randolph, "of this unfortunate condition of man, we have Messrs. LOWNDES, R. GRISWOLD, ELLIOT, DENNIS, been obliged, but yesterday, to prefer an accusation GRIFFIN. THATCHER, HUGER, and DANA. Some against a judge of the United States, who has ineffectual attempts were made to amend the resbeen found wanting in his duty to himself and his olution, when the final question was taken on the country. At the last session of Congress, a genresolution, as amended, in the following words: tleman from Pennsylvania did, in his place, (on a bill to amend the judicial system of the United States,) state certain facts, in relation to the official conduct of an eminent judicial character, which I then thought, and still think, the House bound to notice. But the lateness of the session (for we had, if I mistake not, scarce a fortnight remaining) precluding all possibility of bringing the subject to "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the official conduct of Samuel Chase, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, and of Richard Peters, district judge of the district of Pennsylvania, and to report their opinion, whether the said Samuel Chase and Richard Peters, or either of them, have so acted in their judicial capacity, as to require the interposition of the Constitutional power of this House." Trial of Judge Chase. And resolved in the affirmative-yeas 81, nays 40, as follows: This report, accompanied by a great mass printed documents, embracing various depositio taken before the committee, as well as at a d tance, was made the order of the day for the Mo day following. On that day the House took up the report, a after a short debate concurred in the first resol tion by the following votes-yeas 73, nays 32, follows: YEAS-Willis Alston, jr., Nathaniel Alexander, David Bard, George Michael Bedinger, Phanuel Bishop, William Blackledge, Adam Boyd, John Boyle, Robert Brown, Joseph Bryan, William Butler, Levi Casey, Joseph Clay, John Clopton, Jacob Crowninshield, Richard Cutts, William Dickson, John B. Earle; Peter Early, Ebenezer Elmer, John W. Eppes, William Eustis, William Findley, John Fowler, James Gillespie, Edwin YEAS-Willis Alston, jun., Isaac Anderson, Jo Gray, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Josiah Has- Archer, David Bard, George Michael Bedinger, Willi brouck, William Hoge, James Holland, David Holmes, John G. Jackson, Walter Jones, William Kennedy, Robert Brown, Joseph Bryan, William Butler, L Blackledge, Walter Bowie, Adam Boyd, John Boy Nehemiah Knight, Michael Leib, John B. C. Lucas, Casey, Thomas Claiborne, Joseph Clay, Matthew Cla Matthew Lyon, Andrew McCord, David Meriwether, John Clopton, Frederick Conrad, Jacob Crowninshie Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, Richard Cutts, John Dawson, William Dickson, Jo Anthony New, Thomas Newton, jr., Joseph H. Nich- B. Earle, Peter Early, James Elliot, William Findle olson, Gideon Olin, Beriah Palmer, John Patterson, John Fowler, James Gillespie, Peterson Goodwyn, A Oliver Phelps, John Randolph, jr., Thomas M. Randolph, drew Gregg, Samuel Hammond, James Holland, Day John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, Holmes, Walter Jones, William Kennedy, Nehemi Jacob Richards, Erastus Root, Thomas Sammons, Thos. Knight, Michael Leib, Matthew Lyon, Andrew McCo Sandford, Ebenezer Seaver, Tompson J. Skinner, Jas. William McCreery, David Meriwether, Andrew Moo Sloan, John Smilie, John Smith of Virginia, Richard Nicholas R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, Anthony Ne Stanford, Joseph Stanton, John Stewart, David Thomas Newton, jr., Joseph H. Nicholson, Gideon Ol Thomas, Philip R. Thompson, Abram Trigg, John John Patterson, John Randolph, Thomas M. Randoly Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, Isaac Van Horne, Joseph John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tenness B. Varnum, Daniel C. Verplanck, Matthew Walton, Jacob Richards, Cæsar A. Rodney, Thomas Sammo John Whitehill, Marmaduke Williams, Richard Winn, Thomas Sandford, Ebenezer Seaver, James Sloan, Jo Joseph Winston, and Thomas Wynns. Smilie, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, Joseph Sta NAYS-Simeon Baldwin, Silas Betton, John Camp-ton, John Stewart, David Thomas, Philip R. Thom bell, William Chamberlin, Martin Chittenden, Clifton Claggett, Manasseh Cutler, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, John Dennis, Thomas Dwight, James Elliot, Thomas Griffin, Gaylord Griswold, Roger Griswold, Seth Hastings, David Hough, Benjamin Huger, Samuel Hunt, Joseph Lewis, jun., Thomas Lewis, Henry W. Livingston, Thomas Lowndes, Nahum Mit chell, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Mott, Thomas Plater, Samuel D. Purviance, Joshua Sands, John Cotton Smith, John Smith of New York, William Stedman, James Stephenson, Samuel Taggart, Samuel Tenney, Samuel Thatcher, George Tibbits, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Peleg Wadsworth, and Lemuel Williams. Whereupon, Messrs. J. RANDOLPH, NICHOLSON, J. CLAY, EARLY, R. GRISWOLD, HUGER, and BOYLE, were appointed a committee pursuant to the foregoing resolution. On the 10th of January, the committee were authorized by the House to send for persons, papers, and records; and on the 30th day of the same month they were authorized to cause to be printed such documents and papers, as they might deem necessary, previous to their presentation to the House. Joseph B. Varnum, Marmaduke Williams, Richa son, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Isaac Van Hor Winn, and Joseph Winston. NAYS-Simeon Baldwin, Silas Betton, John Can bell, William Chamberlin, Martin Chittendon, Clift Claggett, Manasseh Cutler, Samuel W. Dana, Jo Davenport, Thomas Dwight, Thomas Griffin, Gayl Griswold, Roger Griswold Seth Hastings, Willi Helms, Benjamin Huger, Joseph Lewis, jr., Henry Livingston, Thomas Lowndes, Nahum Mitchell, Th Plater, Samuel D. Purviance, John Cotton Smith, Jo Smith of Virginia, William Stedman, James Steph son, Samuel Taggart, Samuel Tenney, Samuel Th cher, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Peleg Wadsworth, Lemuel Williams. The second resolution was agreed to una mously. Whereupon, it was ordered, that Mr. JOHN R. DOLPH and Mr. EARLY be appointed a commi to go to the Senate, at the bar thereof, in the na of the House of Representatives, and of all people of the United States, to impeach Sam Chase, one of the associate justices, of the Supre Court of the United States, of high crimes misdemeanors; and acquaint the Senate that House of Representatives will in due time, hibit particular articles of impeachment aga him, and make good the same. It was also orde that the committee do demand, that the Ser take order for the appearance of the said San Chase, to answer to the said impeachment. On the 13th of March, Messrs. J. RANDO NICHOLSON, J. CLAY, EARLY, and BOYLE, were pointed a committee to prepare and report arti of impeachment against Samuel Chase, and vested with power to send for persons, papers, records. Trial of Judge Chase. On the 14th, a message was received from the Senate, notifying the House, that they would take proper order on the impeachment, of which due ART. 2. That, prompted by a similar spirit of persenotice should be given to the House. cution and injustice, at a circuit court of the United On the 26th, Mr. RANDOLPH, from the commit-States, held at Richmond, in the month of May, one tee appointed for that purpose, reported articles of thousand eight hundred, for the district of Virginia, impeachment against Samuel Chase. No order whereat the said Samuel Chase presided, and before was taken on the report during the remainder of which a certain James Thompson Callender was arthe session, which terminated the next day. raigned for a libel on John Adams, then President of At the ensuing session of Congress, on the 6th of November 1804, on the motion of Mr. J. RANBOLPH, the articles of impeachment were referred to Messrs. J. RANDOLPH, J. CLAY, EARLY, BOYLE, and J. RHEA, of Tennessee. which, ultimately, rest the liberty and safety of the American people. On the 30th of November, Mr. RANDOLPH reported the following articles of impeachment against Samuel Chase, in substance, not dissimilar from those reported at the last session, with the addition of two new articles: the United States, the said Samuel Chase, with intent ART. 3. That, with intent to oppress and procure the conviction of the prisoner, the evidence of John Articles exhibited by the House of Representatives of Taylor, a material witness on behalf of the aforesaid the United States, in the name of themselves and of Callender, was not permitted by the said Samuel all the people of the United States, against Samuel Chase to be given in, on pretence that the said witness Chase, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme could not prove the truth of the whole of one of the Court of the United States, in maintenance and sup-charges contained in the indictment, although the said port of their impeachment against him for high charge embraced more than one fact. crimes and misdemeanors: ARTICLE 1. That, unmindful of the solemn duties of his office, and contrary to the sacred obligation by which he stood bound to discharge them "faithfully and impartially, and without respect to persons," the said Samuel Chase, on the trial of John Fries, charged with treason, before the circuit court of the United States, held for the district of Pennsylvania, in the city of Philadelphia, during the months of April and May, one thousand eight hundred, whereat the said Samuel Chase presided, did, in his judicial capacity, conduct himself in a manner highly arbitrary, oppressive, and unjust, viz: 1. In delivering an opinion, in writing, on the question of law, on the construction of which the defence of the accused materially depended, tending to prejuce the minds of the jury against the case of the said John Fries, the prisoner, before counsel had been heard in his defence: 2. In restricting the counsel for the said Fries from recurring to such English authorities as they believed pposite, or from citing certain statutes of the United States, which they deemed illustrative of the positions upon which they intended to rest the defence of their Lent: ART. 4. That the conduct of the said Samuel Chase was marked, during the whole course of the said trial, by manifest injustice, partiality, and intemperance; viz: 1. In compelling the prisoner's counsel to reduce to writing, and submit to the inspection of the court, for their admission or rejection, all questions which the said counsel meant to propound to the above named John Taylor, the witness. 2. In refusing to postpone the trial, although an affidavit was regularly filed, stating the absence of material witnesses on behalf of the accused; and although it was manifest, that, with the utmost diligence, the attendance of such witnesses could not have been procured at that term: 3. In the use of unusual, rude, and contemptuous expressions towards the prisoner's counsel; and in falsely insinuating that they wished to excite the public fears and indignation, and to produce that insubordination to law to which the conduct of the judge did, at the same time, manifestly tend: 4. In repeated and vexatious interruptions of the said counsel, on the part of the said judge, which at length induced them to abandon their cause and their client, who was thereupon convicted and condemned to fine and imprisonment: 5. In an indecent solicitude manifested by the said Samuel Chase for the conviction of the accused, unbecoming even a public prosecutor, but highly disgraceful to the character of a judge, as it was subversive of 3. In debarring the prisoner from his Constitutional Favilege of addressing the jury (through his counsel) on the law, as well as on the fact, which was to deter mime his guilt, or innocence, and at the same time endeavoring to wrest from the jury their indisputable right to hear argument, and determine upon the ques-justice. tion of law, as well as the question of fact, involved in the verdict which they were required to give: In consequence of which irregular conduct of the ad Samuel Chase, as dangerous to our liberties as it novel to our laws and usages, the said John Fries was deprived of the right secured to him by the eighth article amendatory of the Constitution, and was condeaned to death without having been heard by counin his defence, to the disgrace of the character of e American bench, in manifest violation of law and ice, and in open contempt of the rights of juries, on ART. 5. And whereas it is provided by the act of Congress, passed on the 24th day of September, 1789, entitled "An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States," that for any crime or offence against the United States, the offender may be arrested, imprisoned, or bailed, agreeably to the usual mode of process in the State where such offender may be found: and whereas it is provided by the laws of Virginia, that upon presentment by any grand jury of an offence not capital, the court shall order the clerk to issue a summons against the person or persons offending, to |