The defeat of the Covenanters by Montrose was so complete and terrific, that, after a lapse of 80 years, the remembrance of it could still appal the courage of the Presbyterian party; upon the breaking out of the insur rection in the year 1715, the Earl of Rothes, Sheriff and Lord Lieutenant of the county of Fife, issued an order "for all the fencible men of the countie, to meet him at a place called Cashmoor; the gentlemen took no notice of his orders, nor did the commons, except those whom the ministers forced to goe to the place of rendezvous, to the number of 1500 men, being all that their utmost diligence could perform; but those of that countie, having been taught by their experience, that it is not good meddling with edge tools, especiallie in the hands of Highlandmen, were very averse from taking armes. No sooner they reflected on the place of rendezvous, Cashmoor, than Tippermoor was called to mind; a place not far from thence where Montrose had routed them, when, under the command of my great grand uncle, the Earl of Wemyss, then generall of God's armie: in a word, the unlucky choice of a place called Moor, appeared ominous; and that, with the flying report of the Highlandmen having made themselves masters of Perth, made them throw down their armes and run, notwithstanding the trouble that Rothes and the ministers gave themselves to stop them."

The surrender of Perth to the Marquis of Montrose was deemed, by the great body of the Covenanters, an act of cowardice or treachery, or both. The following apologetical paper (which is without a date, and taken from the Wodrow collection of MSS. in the Advocates' Library of Edinburgh) was given in, either to the Parliament or the Committee of Estates, † by Messrs John Robertson and George Halyburton, ministers of Perth, the latter of whom, in spite of all the covenanting fervour displayed in this curious document, deserted his party at the restoration, and was consecrated bishop of Dunkeld. He is thus characterized by Kirkton: "Mr George Haliburton

MS. Memoirs of Lord St Clair.

Or perhaps to the General Assembly of the Church; for no mention of it occurs in the Books of the Committee of

Estates, preserved in the Register House.

for Dunkeld, was a man of utterance but who had made more changes than old infamous Eccebolius, and was ne ver thought sincere in any, he seemed to be so ingenious, and never was; you may guess what savour was in that salt." We are told, in the Memoirs of the Reverend Mr Thomas Halyburton, that the bishop," who proved a cruel persecutor of his former friends, was scarce well warm in his nest, when the Lord smote him with sore sickness, of which he died, and went to his place."

Reasons for the Surrender of Perth.

If Perth be blamed for anie thing, it must be either for that they did render at all, or, 2. because the termes of rendering were not honest and honorable, or, 3lie, because the carriage of the inhabitants was bad after the entrie of the enemie. As for the first, we could not but render upon thir grounds: 1. The strength of the toune was not in their own wails or inhabitants, but in the armie of friends that were in the fields, wch being shamefullie beat and fullie rout→ ed, did so exanimate and dishearten the poore inhabitants that they could not exerce the verie naturall act of moving, let be of resolut reason. For that miserable flight was, for its suddantie and unexpectedness, as the clapp of judgment; and then, 2. a reason of great amazement. For they shall be confounded that trust in the arme of flesh. The trust of the inhabitants was as the trust of their friends,-too too great, yea the meane was more looked to than the principall efficient cause, weh selfe trust God punished justlie, both in the one and the other. Secondlie, Our men were verie few, not extending to sex score. For we had in the fields a companie of musquetiers, (under Captaine Grant, who was there killed,) which, for the most part, fled, suspecting that the toune should become a prey to the enemie's crueltie. Others of the toune confident of the victorie, went out to the moore careleslie, and so, in the flight, by running, were made uselesse. A third part of the toune timorouslie fled at the first report of the enemie's victorie. Could the toune trust it selfe to the defence of so few,

*Kirk. Hist. p. 136,

1

satisfied, we all resolved to die before wee gave over. In the meane time, a letter came from Montrose, desiring us to joine in service to his Matie Wee answered, If, by joining in service, he meant all that civill obedience that did tye our free subjects to be performed, we would joine w all good subjects; but if, by joining, he meant to encroach on our consciences, and to make us break any point of our covenants, wee would not joine w' him nor any, lest by so doing God should be highlier provoked, and moved to bring down a heavier judgment then he had done that day on us. The articles proponed with the answer wer thir five, 1. That our toune and parish should not be urged with any thing against their conscience, especially against the two covenants. 2. That the town should not be plundered or reifled, neither the adjacent landward. 3. That in all things we should be used as free subjects, and so that none of our men should be pressed. 4. That no Irishes should get entrie or passage through our toun. 5. That all our good friends and neighbors in toune should have a passe safelie to go to their own homes. The honestie of thir articles may be proven be the first article, the honorablenes of them be the rest. Its honestie, to adhere to our covenant; and honor, (being not able to do otherwise,) to keep our selves and friends free of skaith, and give our enemie no full entrie. Look what hath been called honest and honourable capitulations in the like cases of rendring abroad, and wee in thir articles shall not be found farre short of them.

As for the third point, the gesture and carriage of the town towards the enemie. If by the toune be meaned the ministers, they are heere, let them be tried. If by the toune be meant the magistrats, they did show no countenance either welcomming them, eating or drinking with them. If by the toun be meaned the bodie, welcomes were so farre, that we wish to God the voice of such joy be never heard on the streets of Edinburgh; wee may boldlie say, in the face of any will say the contrarie, that, consider the number, and our weeping was as great as lamentings of Achor's valley. Wee will be bold to say, it was the saddest day that ever the town did see; and that enemie the

saddest sight, nay it was to them as the verie sight of the executioner on the scaffold. If by the toune be meaned particular men, we can not be answerable for evrie particular man's carriage. If any can be found, let these be tryed and punished for being so unnaturall. The hearts of none we know, but the outward carriage of all our toune was humble, demisse, sadd, sorrowfull, verie farre from the expressions of any joy.

Two things are proponed to be considered: I. Whether the rendring of the field or the town was most disgracefull and prejudiciall to the cause and countrie. The toune was rendred, not being able, for the former reasons, to stand out, upon honest and honourable capitulations.

The field was rendred, having two to one, of wch many horse, ane [and] good cannon, by a shamefull groundles tergiversation.

2. The toun's rendring, being unable to stand out, saved the effusion of much blood; for, being unable, and yet stand out, wee should have bin accessarie to our own massacre; but the field's render was the cause of much blood, ten only being killed standing, and all the rest fleeing, so that being able to stand, and yet fled, they seeme to be accessarie to much blood they might have saved. 3. The toun's rendring was the very immediat necessar effect of the field's rendring; let any man having considered this inferre the conclusion.

Againe, let the events of rendring and not rendring the toun be compard, and see wh should have bin most hurtfull to the cause and countrie.

By rendring (not being able to stand) wee keeped our cause and covenant unviolat. Wee keeped our citie,-we keeped our lives, and our means for manteenance of the cause and countrie in time coming. By not standing, (being so unable,) the countrie had losed a citie, a number of poore souls, men, women, and babes, with all their fortunes and meanes. Was it not better then to have rendred with such honestie, as to have resisted with such certaintie of danger.

They who would have had us in Perth, offer our selves a bloodie sacrifice for our countrie, and with more honest terms could save our selves for our countrie's service; and, in the

and rynan doun Est, on the grate Pylar of the Stepyl, voutyt on the sam Maner by the masounys, as the vout aboyve Sanct Steviny's auter standand, on the north syde of the Parys auter of the abbay of the Haly-rude Houss."* Corresponding to these chapels, there appear to have been also erected five chapels on the northern side of the cathedral; but the date of their erection has not been ascertained. The indenture dated 1387, with the references in the Chamberlayne's accounts about this time, shew, that to this period the present building is to be assigned. And it would be curious to ascertain what portions of it formed the church at that time. No part of it can be so late as the begin

• Before this period, several altars and shaplanries appear to have been founded within this church by private donations from individuals, and so early as the year 1365, King David II. ratifies a donation made by William Hare, burgess of Edinburgh: "Deo et altari beate Marie Virginis in ecclesia Sancti Egidii de Edinburgh, de illa terra jacente, &c. in vico boreali dicti burgi," &c. Shortly after its destruction by fire, in 1385, the church was rebuilt, and in the different accounts of the Great Chamberlain of Scotland, rendered at Exchequer between the years 1390 and 1413, there are various entries of sums paid by grant from the King towards defraying the expence of rebuilding the fabric, of which the following may serve as specimens. In the account for 1391, after entering the various sums with which he charged himself, there is this clause :“Item, Idem (Camerarius) non onerat se de xxxix li. receptis per exitus Camerarie per tempus computi preter exitus Curie Camerarie tente infra villam de Edinburgh, que conceduntur per Regem, ad fabricam ecclesie cjusdem." In the account for 1410, there is a similar entry: "Et non onerat se de exitibus Itineris Camerarie tenti infra burgum de Edinburgh, in anno bono, quia totum commodum inde proveniens preter expensas Camerarie tempore itineris datum fuit per Dominum Gubernatorem Regni, fabrice ecclesie parochialis burgi de Edinburgh." And in the account for 1412, the Chamberlain exonerates himself with the following sum: "Item, Idem computat per solutionem factam fabrice ec

clesie Sancti Egidii de Edinburgh, ex do

natione Domini Gubernatoris de exitibus unius Itineris Camerarie tenti apud Edinburgh, infra hoc computum xxvi li. xiii 9. üijd."

• Registrum Magni Sigilli, p. 54. VOL. L..

ning of the 16th century, as Maitland infers from the notices in the council register.

The length of this cathedral outside is understood to be 206 feet; at the west end its breadth is 110 feet; at the east 76 feet; and at the transept 129 feet. The height of the steeple is 155 feet, or, as Arnot states it, 161 feet.

The sacred architecture of the Anglo-Normans did not differ much in its style and manner from that of the Anglo-Saxons; their churches being in general plain, low, massive, and dark; the arches, both of the doors and windows, semicircular, with few or no ornaments. † By degrees, through much practice, our architects, who were all monks or clergymen, improved in their taste and skill, and ventured to form plans of more noble, light, and elevated structures, with a great variety of ornaments, which led to that bold, magnificent style of building, commonly, though perhaps not very properly, called the Latter Gothic. It is not improbable, that our monkish architects were assisted in attaining this style of building by models from foreign countries, or by instructions from such of their own number as had vi→ sited Italy, France, Spain, or the East. But, without entering into uncertain disputes about the origin of this style of architecture, it is sufficient to observe, that it began to ap

pear in England in the reign of Henry II., and was distinguished from the more ancient Gothic by the following marks: The walls were much higher, though not so thick, and supported on the outside by buttresses; the doors and windows were wider and loftier; and the arches of both were no longer semicircular, but pointed, and were sometimes ornamented with clusters

Birrel, in his Diary, p. 47, mentions the following curious exploit: "The 10 of Julii 1598, ane man, some callit him ane jugler, playit sic souple tricks upon ane tow, q was fastenit betwix the tope of St Geill's Kirk steiple, and ane staire beneathe the Crosse, callit Josias Close Heid, the lyk was never sene in yis coun

trie, as he zaid doune the tow, and playit sa mony pavies on it."

+ Dr Ducarel's Anglo-Norman Anti quities, p. 102, &c. Strutt's Manners, &c. of England, v. I. p. 102. Bentham's Hist. Ely. Pref. Grose's Antiquities f England, pref. p. 63, &c.

T t