into a den of thieves. Can religion be served by conspiracies? Can it be propagated, like the superstition of Mahomet, by fire and sword? Does she require for her support the aid of those who neglect all her duties, disobey and despise her pastors; who violate all her com

YOUR HATRED TO ORANGEMEN, The Orangemen may be foolish, may be wicked, may be your enemies; but if they be fools, they deserve your compassion; if they be wicked, you are obliged to seek their conversion by prayer and forbearance; if they be your enemies, your Redeemer teaches you how you are to treat them, saying, "Love your enemies; do good to them that hate you; pray for those who persecute and calumniate you;" and his apostle, who desires you "not to return evil for evil; but to overcome evil by good. If your enemy," he says, "be hungry, give him food; if he be thirsty, give him to drink; and thus you will heap burning coals (that is, according to Saint Augustine, the fire of charity) upon his head," which will consume his enmity. But these men, who are so very hateful in your eyes, are our brethren in Christ; they are each of them as dear to him as the apple of his eye: they have all been baptized in his blood. If, then, they be your enemies by a misfortune common to you and them, they are still the children of your "Father who is in heaven." Christ died for them, and you should not only forgive them, but love them for his sake.

YOUR LOVE OF RELIGION.-Ah! my dear brethren, how frequently is the sacred name of religion abused, and how many crimes and profanations are committed in her name! Could religion be weighed in a scale, there could not be found one ounce of pure religion amongst all those who have freely entered into your association. For how can iniquity abide with justice? light with darkness? or Christ with Belial? It was by meekness, humility, patience, suffering, and unbounded charity, that Christ, "the author and finisher of our faith," founded his religion; by these and such like virtues, it was propagated by his followers to the end of the earth. By these that holy apostle St. Patrick, whose name you profane, and whose religion you cause to be blasphemed, planted the faith in this island, which was once an

which she condemns? . . . In this country your religion is not only tolerated, but protected by the law; it is poor, but poverty is the cradle in which Christianity was nursed, and riches have always been its bane. Your clergy have a competency alike removed from poverty and affluence, and derived from a source which secures to you their attention, and protects the purity of their own lives. They seek, they desire nothing more. It is clear, then, on the score of religion, your conspiracies are without an object; and it is the angel of darkness, who transforms himself into an angel of light, that he may seduce you to violate all the charities of the gospel under the appearance of zeal for the faith.

YOUR FAITH IN PROPHECIES.--This, dearest brethren, is a subject which we find it difficult to treat with becoming seriousness; and yet it is one which has produced among you the most deplorable effects. I have been credibly informed, that during the course of the last year, when great numbers of you, yielding to our remonstrance and those of our clergy, had withdrawn yourselves from these mischievous associations, you were prevailed on to return to them, excited by some absurd stories called "Prophecies," and which were disseminated amongst you by designing and wicked men. There have been to our own knowledge instances of persons neglecting their domestic concerns, and abandoning their families to misery and want, through a vain hope, grounded on some supposed prophecy, "that mighty changes were just approaching." For more than half a century it was predicted that George the Fourth would not reign; and his very appearance amongst you was scarcely sufficient to dispel the illusion. Such excessive credulity on your parts, and such a superstitious attachment to fables, a thousand times belied, is a melancholy proof of the facility with which you may be seduced by knaves. . . .

But you will tell me your prophecy is not of this kind; that it is derived from the sacred Scriptures, as they are explained in the book of Pastorini called The History of the Christian Church. That book, dearest brethren, has been perverted to very different ends from

those which the pious author intended. It is principally a commentary, or rather conjectures on the meaning of the Apocalypse of St. John the Evangelist. This book called the Apocalypse is, as its name signifies, a revelation of a vision which the author had in the island of Patmos, to which he had been banished in the reign of the Emperor Domitian. It was a vision of the most mysterious nature, and the apostle's account of it is so hard to be understood, that very few of the fathers of the Church have undertaken to explain it, and most of those who did desisted from the attempt. . . . You ridicule the folly of those enthusiasts who read and expound the Scriptures in whatever manner their fancy may suggest, and yet you yourselves interpret prophecies which, of all other parts of Scripture, are the most difficult and hard to be understood: thus, "in what you judge another, you condemn yourselves."

But your object is to MAKE YOUR COUNTRY FREE AND HAPPY. We will not reason with you upon the end which you propose to yourselves, which, even if it were laudable, could not justify the employment of unlawful means. . . . And first, who are those who would undertake to subvert the laws and constitutions of this country? Persons without money, without education, without arms, without counsel, without discipline, without a leader; kept together by a bond of iniquity, which it is a duty to violate, and a crime to observe. Men destitute of religion, and abandoned to the most frightful passions, having blasphemy in their mouths, and their hands filled with rapine, and oftentimes with blood.-Can such as these regenerate a country, and make her free and happy? No, dearest brethren, left even to themselves, they would destroy each other; but, opposed to a regular force, they would scatter like a flock of sheep upon a mountain when the thunderstorm affrights them. The year of 1798 is within the recollection of us all; at that fatal period Protestant, and Catholic, and Dissenter, of every province and town, of every class and description, of every rank and station, not even excepting the army, combined to overthrow the government. You witnessed their failure, the scenes which then occurred, and many of you experienced their fatal consequences. If, then, such was the result of an extensive conspiracy, comprising persons of all religions, of wealth and affluence, of intelligence, connected abroad, organized at home, and undertaken at a period when a revolutionary spirit pervaded Europe,

and when the government against which it was directed was engaged almost single-handed with the most formidable enemy England ever had,-what success could possibly attend the efforts of the vile and contemptible conspiracy we now hear of ?-a conspiracy undertaken at a period of profound peace, and when the government is rooted in the affections of every man who wishes for the happiness of his country; when every Protestant and every Catholic possessed of name, or station, or property, would rally round the throne like one man to defend it against the assassins of the public peace. Can you mention the name of any individual, not of those classes which I first enumerated, who has ever joined your unholy associations? Have not the clergy, priests, and bishops, with one voice condemned you? Has one of you ever been permitted to partake of a sacrament in our Church who has not first renounced these associations? Has any farmer of property, or dealer of fortune or integrity, been ever found amongst you? honest, sober, and industrious tradesman or labourer ever entered, unless by compulsion, amongst you? Are not your leaders, almost without exception, men of profligate lives, of vicious and irreligious habits-men who, as St. Jude says, "despise power and blaspheme majesty?" Are not these the description of men who domineer over you? Is it, dearest brethren, by such men that our country could be rendered free and happy? and if not, why have you ever suffered yourselves to be deceived by them, to be made the dupes of their malice and accomplices in their crimes?

Has any

To conclude, dearly beloved, let us remind you that the body of a nation is like in some degree to our own. The different ranks and orders which compose it are ordained of God, that the whole may be preserved entire. If any of them should seek to usurp the place of the other, discord would ensue. If your feet, seeing your hands are idle, would refuse to walk; if your hands would undertake to do the duties of the head, how monstrous and absurd would it not appear? So in the state, if those whom God has appointed to labour should abandon their station and seek to govern, if the ignorant would take the place of the wise, the soldier the place of the peasant, the tradesman that of the magistrate, the schoolmaster that of the bishop or judge, how could society exist? Yet to this and such like consequences all your silly machinations tend. Return then, dearly beloved, to the ways of peace. Leave the legislature to pursue those

wisdom will devise. Let the government meet with a grateful return for the solicitude they manifest in maintaining the rights and providing for the wants of the people. Leave your Church to enjoy the liberty she possesses; pray for those who differ from you in religion; seek to have more charity and less zeal; and do not embitter the lives of your parents, or bring their gray hairs with sorrow to the grave. Atone, dearly beloved, by every means

your neighbour, your country, and your God. Wipe away, by your peaceable demeanour for the time to come, that foul stain which your conduct has to a certain extent already cast upon your religion! We wish you peace and benediction in the name of the ALMIGHTY FATHER, and his Son JESUS our Lord and Redeemer, through the grace of the Divine Spirit, who proceeds from both. Amen. JAMES DOYLE, &c.

[This eminent advocate and orator, who rose to be Chief-justice of the King's Bench, was born at the mansion-house of Kilmurry, near Thomastown, county Kilkenny, on January 13, 1767. His father, who belonged to a good family, was a minister of the Established Church; his mother was a sister of General Sir John Doyle, and was remarkable even to the end of her long life for her graceful manner and high tone. After receiving the usual elementary education, first at the academy of Mr. Shackleton at Ballitore and then in Mr. Craig's well-known school in Dublin, he entered Trinity College in 1782, being then in his fifteenth year. In 1785 he obtained a scholarship, and from his ability as an orator in the debates of the Historical Society, he began to be looked upon as a student certain to rise to position and fame.

On leaving college Bushe devoted a few years to studies of a general as well as a legal kind, with the view of perfecting his style and enlarging the sphere of his knowledge. In 1790 he was called to the bar, but made little progress for some time owing to the fact that he objected to join in government prosecutions, and could not on the other hand defend crimes which he knew to be hurtful to society. Soon after coming of age, distressed at seeing the pecuniary embarrassments of his father, he took upon himself his heavy liabilities, and became saddled at the start of life with a debt of £30,000. About this time also he formed an attachment for Miss Crampton, the daughter of a wealthy gentleman in Dublin, but all thoughts of marriage had to be given up, and he was forced, by the pressure of his creditors, to retire to Wales for a couple

of years. On his return he entered on his profession actively, and the marriage between him and Miss Crampton soon took place. He had previously made some arrangements regarding the heavy debts, and with the help of his wife's fortune and other means he was now able to pay off the more urgent of the creditors. After his marriage a long period passed during which he assiduously walked the law-courts but made little advance in his practice. His ability and value as a political supporter were well known to government, and he had several offers of employment in this direction, which, however, he declined to accept.

In 1797 Mr. Bushe was elected member for the borough of Callan, and before long found occasion to display such eloquence as at once placed him among the foremost orators of the day. On Mr. Ponsonby's motion to repeal an act for the suppression of disturbances he made the speech of the evening. Meanwhile he continued at the bar, and travelled the Leinster circuit; but his professional advancement was still slow. At last a case in which he was engaged was called on in the absence of the senior counsel. Bushe urged delay, but the judge would not consent, and the case had to go on. It was soon seen, however, that his client had lost nothing by the senior counsel's absence, and Bushe's efforts were rewarded with complete success. This at once established his character at the bar, and briefs flowed in from that day forward in almost too rapid a stream. In 1799, when fully occupied with his professional and parliamentary duties, Bushe was offered three different posts by government, but he refused them all. He continued his independent opposition to the

proposed union because he believed it hurtful to the interests of Ireland, and his eloquent denunciation of the measure in the debates of 1800 are said to have surpassed that of all other members, not excepting Grattan himself.

After the union Bushe for a time desponded, as did most men, and felt half inclined to try his fortune at the English bar, but he wisely put the idea aside and continued where he was. Though an opponent of the union on conscientious grounds, he was in no way an active opponent of the government as such. He had never allowed himself to become a mere party man, and had supported the government against extreme opposition. Accordingly, when in 1803 Pitt offered him the solicitor-generalship he accepted it, but it was not till 1811 that he had any very prominent public duty to perform in connection with his new position. In this year the Convention Act trials occurred, which drew from him two of his most admirable speeches, and he also appeared with great success in the case of "The King v. O'Grady," and in that of Lord Trimblestown.

About this time he managed to bring about the one great event to which he had looked forward for years. His father had been forced to alienate his estate of Kilmurry, and now the son managed to acquire it again, and to make it, as he had long dreamed, his home. In 1822 he was appointed Chief-justice of the King's Bench, and thenceforward the years passed so smoothly with him that they leave behind no history. During this time he composed a great deal in prose and verse, but would allow little of it to see the light. In 1839 he was summoned to give evidence before a committee of parliament, where he came under the keen eye of Brougham, who said of him, "No one who heard the very remarkable examination of Chief-justice Bushe could avoid forming the most exalted estimate of his judicial talents. . . . There was shed over the whole the grace of a delivery singular for its combined suavity and dignity. All that one has heard of the wonderful fascination of his manner, both at the bar and upon the bench, became easily credible to those who heard his evidence."

As the years progressed Bushe felt a growing desire to retire from his post, and this he did in November, 1842. On this occasion he found it too true "that it was enough to be a man of genius and an Irishman to be treated with neglect." The usual title conferred on holders

of his office on retiring was withheld. The indignity fell heavily upon Bushe, who least of all men deserved it. The profession also resented the insult, and for a time there was a great outcry. It is quite possible the treatment of government shortened his days. Soon after his retirement a failure of memory began to show itself. In July, 1843, he left home to have a surgical operation performed for a slight local affection. The operation was skilfully done, but erysipelas set in, and a few days after, July 10, 1843, he died at his son's house near Dublin. He was buried at Harold's Cross.]

THE KING VERSUS O'GRADY.

[Chief-baron O'Grady in 1817 appointed his son Waller clerk of the pleas in the Court of Exchequer. Saurin the attorney-general instituted proceedings against the chief-baron on the ground that the king, not the court, had the right of appointment. Plunket and Burton were employed for the defence, and Bushe and Saurin on the part of the crown. Plunket had delivered a powerful address, in which he specially attacked Saurin. Bushe (whose friends dreaded his encounter with this great orator) rose to defend the case for the crown, and spoke as follows:]

Had this case been confined to the shape in which it would have been found if nothing had occurred in the progress of it but the plain and temperate statement of the attorney-general, and the powerful and lawyerlike argument of Mr. Burton, it would not be necessary for me to do more than to argue the question which they have already discussed. But it has taken a different turn; and my highly-esteemed friend, Mr. Plunket, has thought it necessary to give the case such a different direction, that if I were not to follow the course he has adopted I should be most unworthy of the situation which I hold, and most deserving of the contempt to which he has held me up. In making use of that very unpleasant expression I do not wish to be understood as forgetting or doubting the sincerity of what he has said of the private characters of myself and the attorney-general, and of his personal feelings towards us: I have no doubt of his sincerity: and I am persuaded that he has attacked our official conduct under the impulse of the strong sense of a painful duty, which, as he conceived, made it imperiously necessary for him to do so. I shall take