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H. or R.]

Claim of James Monroe.

[JAN. 7, 1831.

Government of the United States, longer than any other say, for the last ten or twelve years have watched the man. For the argument, be it so. If he was at the head treasury with Argus eyes, but men, from my knowledge of of one of the departments for six years, did he receive as them, I did suppose were not willing to arraign, without a compensation for his services more than was allowed by good cause, the motives or conduct of others. Sir, I law? If he was President eight years, was he paid more heard with regret the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. WHITthan his predecessors, Madison, Jefferson, or Washing-TLESEY] say, that because we had received from the cititon? If he was twice Governor of Virginia, was he not zens of Albemarle county, Virginia, the county in which paid as the other Governors of that State had been? If, Mr. Monroe was born, and from the citizens of the city in our revolutionary struggle, young as he then was, he of New York, where Mr. Monroe now is, petitions urging fought our battles, and moistened the soil of New Jersey upon us the necessity of considering and examining his with his blood, did he then receive, or has he since claim-claim, and nothing more, that those citizens were Mr. ed, more than what was allowed to others of the same Monroe's creditors, and were consequently actuated by grade? Sir, what do these arguments lead us to? If the sinister motives. Sir, this must have been said without Government of the United States contract with one of its much reflection: it was well enough for the gentleman, most distinguished citizens for the performance of certain because he opposed this claim in 1826, to oppose it now; acts, the compensation for which is by law regulated, and but he ought at least, more especially as he had no proof the contract in all its parts has been complied with, and to the contrary, to have had charity enough to have bethe money paid, and there is afterwards between the same lieved that the citizens of Albemarle and of New York parties another contract for other services, a compliance might have been actuated by motives different from those with the terms of the first, according to the declaration of which he has thought proper to ascribe to them. He gentlemen, (I will not say argument,) is a full discharge might have supposed that it was known to them, Mr. Monof the second. This is the effect of their reasoning; it roe had, as he thought, a claim, an honest and legal claim, has nothing to do with the question now before this com- upon the United States, and all he wanted was a fair, dismittee. No man, Mr. Chairman, has heretofore thought passionate, and legal investigation of this claim; and, when that, because by his meritorious services, great experience, he had satisfied himself of this, he might, without any and superior qualifications, he had, in the estimation of great tax upon his own mind, suppose that the citizens his fellow-citizens, some claim for important trusts, that of Albemarle, who know Mr. Monroe best, because they claim, in regard to his other rights, should operate against have known him the longest, and have been more closely him; but this is the measure of justice to Mr. Monroe. If connected with him than any other portion of this coungentlemen be disposed to do what they have professed a try, the citizens of New York, who know what Mr. Monwillingness to do, why have they resorted to such re- roe now is in regard to his pecuniary concerns, from marks? The gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. WIL-seeing him with them, and by this are also reminded of LIAMS,] who has just resumed his scat, has reminded the what he once was, might, without being influenced by committee of what a late Governor of Virginia (Mr. such motives as the gentleman has ascribed to them, have Giles) has said of Mr. Monroe, in regard to the amount sent to us the petitions which are now on the files of the of money he has received from the public, and, in telling House in his behalf. us one thing that gentleman said, has, no doubt, whether Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman from Ohio is warranted he so intended or not, reminded every member of this in his supposition from what he would call testimony, upcommittee of another thing that Goveror Giles said of Mr. on what ground do we stand, who may differ from that Monroe, that he had always been a public pauper, and gentleman on the merits of this claim? Under what imputhat the United States must, as they always had, continue tation does a majority of both Houses lie, who, in 1826, to support him. What is the effect of this but to enlist voted for what was then allowed Mr. Monroe? The same the prejudices of every devoted friend of the late Go-insinuations which have been made against the citizens of vernor of Virginia against the claim of James Monroe? Albemarle and New York, (and there are the same grounds This does not agree with the professions of the gentle- for them,) can be made against us. man from North Carolina, made when he commenced his

I hope, Mr. Chairman, that the gentleman from Ohio, remarks, and is hardly excused by his apology, made from further reflection, will conclude that what he has said when he concluded them. His greatest apprehenson at was gratuitous, uncalled for, and, by evidence before us, first appeared to be that Mr. Monroe's claim would be unwarranted. We are required to meet another objecmore favorably considered than other men's, from the tion made by the gentleman from Ohio, presented as a great services he had rendered, and high offices he had legal one. By the act of 1826-7, Mr. Monroe is to be filled: when relieved of that, I submit it to that gentle-paid the sum of money by that act granted, in full of all man whether it was fair, or just, or comports with his his claims against the United States; and because in the ideas of what is correct, by any allusion of his, to awaken passing of that act, in reference to the phraseology of prejudices that will deprive Mr. Monroe's claim of that con- which Mr. Monroe said nothing, and could not say, any sideration we are bound to give every man's in the nation. We are not now called on to pass upon the bickerings of two men, one now in the grave, and the other upon the brink of it; in other ages and other times, justice will be done, as I hope, to both, when the passions of the moment shall have subsided, and when we, too, who may now have our prejudices and personal predilections, shall be gathered to our fathers. Then, perhaps, some men's reputation and fame will not depend upon what they might have said against the purity of James Monroe's character, but upon their being born in the same State, and living in the same age with him.

thing, because he knew nothing, Congress thought proper to use the language now in use, in reference to all our enactments in regard to claims, "in full satisfaction and discharge of all the claims of James Monroe against the United States," whether it were so or not, he is thereby precluded the right to present the claim now before us. Sir, to every bargain, contract, or agreement; to every lease, rclinquishment, or release, I have always been taught to believe there must be at least two parties-one to give or execute, and the other to take or receive, in pursuance of terms previously arranged and agreed on. When did Mr. Monroe, or any one acting in his behalf, any But, Mr. Chairman, there are other objections to this friend of his, say for him, that appropriation for his beneclaim, which ought to be considered by some one, before fit at the time mentioned should be a full and complete liquithe merits of it are examined, as well from their peculiar character, as the quarter from which they come. I must confess I was surprised to hear such objections from such a source; from men who, to do them justice, I ought to

dation of his claim? At no time, never-so far from this being the case, the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MERCER,] under whose paternal charge the claim of Mr. Monroe then was, as it now is, declared to the House, that so

JAN. 7, 1831.]

Claim of James Monroe.

[H. OF R.

far from the sum then appropriated being in full discharge own opinion due, rather than cavil with them about it: he, of Mr. Monroe's claim, so great, as he supposed, would however, gave no discharge, nor authorized any one to be be his dissatisfaction, that he did not believe he would given in his name. He was soon called to the office of take what was allowed him: he did take it, but not at any Chief Magistrate of Virginia, and had hardly served his time with an acknowledgment that it was in full satisfaction constitutional term, before he was called to his second of his claim all his acts, all the acts of his friends, from that mission. So soon as that was ended, he was again called by time to this, showed that the amount appropriated was not the citizens of his native State to the same office from to his and their minds a satisfaction of his claim. At the which he was transferred to the departments here, which next session, his friends from Albemarle petitioned us in he left for the office of President of the United States, in his behalf, for the balance; and this petition, if not gotten which he remained eight years. up at his instance, (I do not believe it was,) it is fair to pre- He was in public life, with a very small interruption, sume was not presented against his will. Sir, from that from the time he was called to his first mission to the end time to this, there has been a petition before us in favor of of his Presidential term. After his successor was chosen, James Monroe. Does this look like a relinquishment of what then he made out and afterwards presented this claim he considered was fairly due him, and what he was legally now under consideration, anterior to which there was no entitled to? No, it cannot be so pretended--I was an eye-period in which he could with propriety have done it. witness of the mode in which we legislated upon the claim Sir, the relative situation of Mr. Monroe furnishes a rein 1826-'7: the report of the select committee was made ply to the objection, and removes the presumption of at a very late period of the session, and the bill did not payment from length of time. come before us until our night sessions had commenced, favorable to any thing but sober deliberation.

have now, Mr. Chairman, replied to most of the objections brought against this claim by gentlemen who are At the close of the session, and in the hurry of the mo- opposed to any allowance whatsoever; others will be conment, the friends of the bill were willing to take any sum sidered in the examination more directly of the merits of rather than continue the whole question to the next ses- the claim itself. I am sensible I have already trespassed sion; and I take upon myself to say that, in relation to the somewhat upon the patience of the committee, but they amount to be appropriated, there was not a full, or even will bear in mind that I was the first who obtained the a deliberate discussion. This claim is not, then, Mr. Chair-Hoor after these objections were made; and, as a friend of man, as one gentleman [Mr. CHILTON] has charitably as the bill, it was as much my duty to meet them, as it would serted, an afterthought on the part of Mr. Monroe, or be any gentleman's on the same side of the question who any of his friends; nor has the money received been a might succeed me.

waiver of what he conceived heretofore, and now alleges The gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MERCER,] who preto be due him. I therefore submit to the committee, sented this claim with so much clearness, and urged its whether there is any good ground for the objection found-adoption with so much zeal and eloquence, certainly did ed upon the appropriation made to Mr. Monroe, as con- not anticipate these objections; and, if he had, it would stituting a barrier to the present application; and whether not have been his province to reply to them. One word as this is an application to indemnify Mr. Monroe for moneys to the effect of the pending motion. The gentleman from expended in feasting his friends. I will fully consider that, Kentucky [Mr. CHILTON] no doubt thinks there is nothing when I come more directly to the merits of this claim. due James Monroe; but ought he not to have supposed There is one objection more, however, made by the gen- there might be some gentlemen on this floor who might think tleman from Kentucky, which I might as well consider there was some part of the claim which ought to be paid, now as at any other time-an objection that applies just though not the whole of it? If his motion prevails, those as well to any other claim as this; if good in this case, gentlemen will be debarred the right of moving for the equally so in any other. Why should we, says the gen- lesser sum, when in their consciences they believe there tleman, pay Mr. Monroe, when there are others who is something due. Is this the motion, then, which, at this have claims upon us we do not pay; the war-worn ve- stage of the inquiry and investigation, ought to be made? teran, the soldier of the revolution? If, sir, this argu- I think not.

ment is to obtain, we never can pay any one, because I come now, Mr. Chairman, to a consideration of those we cannot or may not be disposed to pay all at the items which constitute Mr. Monroe's claim, and will state same time. When the case of the soldier of the revo- them as I understand them, before I read them from the lution is called, we cannot act upon that, because Mr. committee's report. First, a claim for contingent exMonroe has a claim that is not satisfied: we cannot pay penses during his first mission to France, with interest; a Mr. Monroe, because the soldier and others have not been claim for allowances after his recall, during his detention paid. in Europe, before he could embark for this country; inteI believe the gentleman will do me the justice to say rest upon the money which he was compelled to hire, in conthat I have gone as far as any one, certainly as far as he sequence of his outfit not being paid before he sailed from has gone, in satisfying what I deemed to be the rightful this country; an additional allowance for contingent exclaims of all the officers and soldiers of the revolution, penses while in England; losses sustained in the purchase whose cases have been before us. The gentleman's argu- of a house in Paris; money disbursed to, and expenses inment has been one, too, common with all those that have curred to effect the liberation of Thomas Paine; and comobjections to paying any one. Another objection has missions on loans of money to the Government of the been made, which claims a moment's consideration; and United States, obtained by extraordinary exertions and by this, from the lapse of time since the items accrued, this his personal credit during the late war. These are the would be tenable, if unexplained, not repelled by facts principal items of his claim.

and circumstances which gentlemen might have acquainted As Mr. Monroe's first mission was attended with pecuthemselves with, if they had read the communication of liar circumstances, and at a critical period in the history Mr. Monroe, or attended to the report of the committee. of France, we must for a moment advert to the situation To my mind, sir, satisfactory reasons are given why at- of that country, to show that his services were extraorditempts have not been made to enforce it before. Called nary, his expenses necessarily great, and that no allowance from his first mission, under peculiar circumstances, he to any minister before, or any similar claim since that had, in the first place, to vindicate his character and repu- period, could form a just criterion by which we can judge tation as a public man, more dear to him than money; and of the sum which ought to be paid to him. The French while he was doing that, he was willing the Government revolution was just over; the nations of Europe were should pay his agent what at that time might be in their combined to crush the French nation, and they had to

H. OF R.]

Claim of James Monroe.

[JAN. 7, 1831.

fight their battles against a world in arms. The operation is not interest due as well as principal? But the gentleof their edicts and decrees had brought within their grasp man from North Carolina informs us that the United States millions of property belonging to the United States, and are to be viewed as a moral person, always presumed to incarcerated thousands of our citizens. As many who be ready to pay what he owes whenever called on-a prewere not imprisoned, were anxiously waiting the fate of sumption not warranted by facts-and that consequently their property, then under seizure, there was not in no interest is to be allowed on claims against the United France at that time any consular power established, to re- States. As this moral person is sometimes guilty of imlease from their confinement our citizens; to claim and moral acts, I cannot subscribe to the gentleman's doctrine: effect a release of their property: to assert, and by argu- he will not say that interest has never been allowed on ment enforce the rights of the United States, required no claims against the United States-look into our statutes, ordinary talents, no common share of zeal and persever- and you can find more than fifty cases in which it has been ance, and was consequently the cause of extra expense. allowed. If there ever has been any rule on the subject, Three secretaries were employed by him for a great length it has been to suffer each case to depend upon its pecuof time, houses were rented for their accommodation, and liar circumstances and merits. But why waste time on heavy expenses were incurred on their account. Was this necessary? There is not a man who hears me, who will say it was not. For whose benefit? For the people of the United States-for American citizens. Can it be expected that Mr. Monroe, or any other man, situated as he was, could exhibit vouchers for all the expenses which he was compelled to incur on our account, under such an extraordinary state of things?

this question? Interest was allowed on so much of the claim of Mr. Monroe as was sanctioned by Congress in 1826; and our legislation at that time relieves me of some labor in the further investigation of this claim. In 1826, Congress allowed interest on so much of Mr. Monroe's claim as was at that time favorably considered, from 1810 to 1826; their decision is to be at this time respected, or not--if not, then the whole question is now before us; but Sir, I am not surprised that he has a claim for an ad- if, on the other hand, what we have done should influence ditional allowance for contingent expenses, but am sur- and direct us in what we are to do, having allowed inteprised that it should be no larger than the one presented. rest from 1810 to 1826, it appears to me we cannot resist The gentleman from North Carolina asks for vouchers. the allowance of interest from the time the claim accrued The very nature of the service forbids the production of to 1810. If for one period it be correct, it is equally so them. In many of the common and ordinary transactions for the other. I dismiss, then, this part of the claim. That of life, they are not expected. Are they produced in set- Mr. Monroe was entitled to an outfit on his mission to tling the concerns between ships-husband or owner, and the master, as to many expenses and disbursements between the principal, his factor or agent? No: the gentleman knows they are neither produced nor expected. [Here Mr. WILLIAMS rose, and said, what he meant by vouchers, was a detailed statement.]

France, and that it was not paid until some years after it was due, all will acknowledge: that if, in consequence of its not being paid, he was compelled to hire money in amount equal to that for which he paid interest, to me it is evident that he should be allowed this interest; and it would be no more than indemnity to pay him interest on the sum he paid for interest.

In reply to that, Mr. Chairman, I could say to the gentleman from North Carolina, that it would be just as dif His contingent expenses during his mission to England ficult to produce, and just as unreasonable to expect, this constituting another item of claim, he takes Mr. King's detailed statement, as the vouchers which have been called allowance as a standard for his own; and when it is confor. Sir, these contingent expenses are paid to no min-sidered, as the committee have observed, that Mr. Monroe ister, under any ordinary state of affairs, in consequence of was in England when Europe was at war, when the dethe production of vouchers. crees and edicts of the belligerents were the causes of the

case.

Mr. Chairman, there are some things probable in them-seizures and sequestration of our property to vast amounts, selves, and do not require a very great share of proof di- and Mr. King's mission was during a period of peace, the rect, to command our belief; and there are others in standard assumed cannot afford more than a fair allowthemselves so improbable, we cannot well believe them, ance. It is not necessary to repeat what has been said of when fortified by proofs the most positive. That Mr. Mon- interest, so far as it may be connected with this part of the roc's expenses should have been, during his first mission to claim. Nor will I detain the committee but a moment in France, while at Paris, greater, by the amount stated, than considering that part of the claim which under the first ministers on ordinary occasions, is not only highly proba- mission to France accrued after audience of leave, and ble, but is proved positively by the statements of Mr. during his detention in Europe--to leave Europe after he Skipworth, Mr. Gelson, and all the other testimony in the had received notice of his recall, was impossible. The I could, if it were necessary, take another ground: French coast being blockaded, he had no opportunity of If Mr. Monroe did not know that the allowance claimed doing it--to have continued in France, might have inwas not only equitable, but legal, would he, is there a creased in his own country the prejudices against him; man living who has any knowledge of the character of and to have left Europe, and embarked for the United James Monroe, who can for one minute believe that he States, if an opportunity had offered, as his successor was would, in his old age, in private life, having filled so many not accredited, and no communications, but through him, offices, having discharged the duties of them with so much could at that time be received, might have been injudihonor to himself and credit to the country, thus persevere cious. This expense accruing under circumstances which in a claim that was not absolutely just? He has the feel- he could not control, the Government in good faith were ings of a man, and knows full well the ordeal every one bound to pay, and interest on so much as has not been has to pass through, who applies to Congress for the set-paid, according to principles assumed in the allowance of tlement of an account; and, when he came before us, no interest on the other items already noticed. Reserving doubt knew that he would necessarily be subjected to the to myself the right of making a few remarks on that part scoffs and sneers of many whose province it would be to pass upon his claim; perhaps anticipated what has been said by the gentleman from Kentucky, that he was calling on Congress to pay him for feasting his friends in Paris. With this knowledge of consequences, would this claim have been the second time before us, if it were not in all respects just and equitable? I am satisfied it would not. Well, sir, if money be due, and it has been withheld,

of Mr. Monroe's claim connected with the purchase and sale of the house in Paris, the liberation of Thomas Paine, and money expended on his account, the loans negotiated, I submit the residue of the claim as reported by the select committee as proper to be by us accepted, allowed, and paid, and what will be short of an indemnity for the services rendered, and moneys in good faith expended on account of the United States.

[graphic]

1. Difference between sum claimed by Mr. Monroe for contingent expenses of first mission to France, and that allowed by Congress in 1826,

2. Difference between sum claimed by him for contingent expenses of the mission to England, and that allowed by Congress in -1826,

3. Interest on the sum allowed in 1826, for contingent expenses of the first mission to France, to wit, the sum of $1,495 85, from the 15th December, 1796, being the mean period between the beginning and termination of the mission, to December, 1810, when the interest then allowed commenced, 4. Interest on the additional sum now proposed to be allowed, to wit, the sum of $2,019 15, from the same period to March, 1829,

446 [H. OF R.

in fact, the jealousy of the citizens of his native country. For whose benefit was this influence exercised? For his country. Shall, then, Mr. Monroe bear this loss? Mr. $2,019 15 Chairman, he was not without a precedent. The purchase of the house at the Hague was a case in point. What his Government had done for another minister abroad, acting in good faith, he had a right to suppose 1,562 32 would be done in regard to this transaction. But he was suddenly and unexpectedly recalled; he had no time to offer the purchase to his own Government, or sell the estate on favorable terms to any one in Paris. The whole of this loss has fallen on Mr. Monroe, and was partly occasioned by the acts of our Government, the result of an unwarrantable jealousy, founded upon nothing in fact but 1,252 77 his great influence at the time with the French nation, never exercised but for his country's good. I do not believe the people of this country are ready to say that he shall bear this loss. The next consideration for the com3,902 03 mittee is the claim for moneys disbursed for the liberation and aid of Thomas Paine. Mr. Monroe was in France, the representative of the sovereignty of this country: Paine was in prison, had been repeatedly threatened with the guillotine; had once escaped it, according to his own statement, by a providential act; his health destroyed, and his privations and sufferings so severe, that his life was in 111 60 imminent danger. What was his language and appeal to Mr. Monroe? I am an American--I am a citizen of the United States; I conjure you by the love you bear to that 2,109 13 country, whose citizen I am, and to establish whose liberties we both for years have labored--help, extend to me your aid, or I die! Sir, if Thomas Paine had been before unknown to Mr. Monroe, this thrilling and spirit-stirring language could be neither resisted nor disregarded. The 2,241 25 magic words, "I am a Roman citizen," in the worst days of Rome, preserved the rights of the individual inviolable, and arrested the arm of him who was prepared to inflict the stripes. Mr. Monroe has been allowed what he paid in effecting the liberation of Madame Lafayette, why should he not be paid his expenses incurred in the liberation of Thomas Paine! Let not the consideration of this question be mingled with the feelings of the day. Whether Mr. Paine was, during our revolutionary struggle, the hireling writer, as has been alleged, or whether his writings on religious subjects have not been the cause of much harm to the world, is not now the question for us to consider; was not, at the time, this appeal a subject of consideration for Mr. Monroe? minister abroad, to have done less? and shall he not be Ought Mr. Monroe, as our countenanced by this Government, and paid for what by him was done? Sir, it would have been an everlasting 2,677 50 stain upon this country, if Thomas Paine, an American, had been suffered to die in prison, in that city where the $24,377 04 representative of this nation was, without an effort to relieve him. Such was the estimation in which Thomas Before we come to a conclusion on the question of in-are to be credited, that long after his liberation he rePaine was held by Mr. Jefferson, if the rumors of the day demnity for the loss sustained in the purchase and sale of ceived his aid and support. the house in Paris, let us ask, for whose good did Mr.

5. Interest on the sum allowed in 1826, for contingent expenses of mission to England, to wit, the sum of $437 68, from the 1st of September, 1806, being the mean period between the beginning and termination of the mission, after the return from Spain, to December, 1810, 6. Interest on the additional sum now proposed to be allowed, to wit, the sum of $1,562 32, from same period to March, 1829, 7. Interest on the sum allowed in 1826, for detention in France, in 1797, after audience of leave, to wit, the sum of $2,750, from April, 1797, to December, 1810, when the interest allowed in 1826 commenced, 8. Interest on sum allowed in 1826, for demurrage paid to J. Hicks, to wit, the sum of $350, from March 7, 1803, when it was paid, to December, 1810, when interest heretofore allowed commenced, 9. Interest on outfit of second mission to France, from January, 1803, to May, 1810, 10. Interest on the foregoing sum, from May, 1810, to March, 1829, 11. Interest on the sum allowed in 1826, for extraordinary expenses of detention in England, to wit, the sum of $10,500, from the 15th September, 1806, being the mean period between the commencement and termination of that mission, to December, 1810, when interest heretofore allowed commenced,

Monroe act in this transaction? for himself, or for his claim of Mr. Monroe, on account of loans negotiated duThe last subject reserved for consideration is, the country? Did he act in good faith? and had he a reason-ring the late war, obtained by extraordinary exertions on able expectation the house would be taken by his Govern- his part, and by his personal responsibility. In reference ment for the residence of future ministers of the United to them, nothing is claimed by him but what, by the uniStates? Sir, in relation to this transaction, he did not act form practice of the Government, has been given to others; unadvisedly; he availed himself of the opinions of the most and, if obtained by extraordinary exertions, and this is distinguished and enlightened Americans then at Paris; conceded, why should he not be paid? Is he not as much among others, the two gentlemen whose statements are in entitled to compensation as your disbursing officers, who the documents of the case. From all the lights he could obtained nothing upon their mere responsibility, and derive, he found the purchase necessary, not only to in-nothing by any extra exertion? Compare the claim with crease his influence with those in power, but to establish the commissions received by Commodore Chauncey, the upon a firm basis the favors and esteem conciliated, by commander on your lakes, when the war raged among means of which he could act, and did act, more efficient- the ship carpenters at Sackett's Harbor and Kingston, for ly for the American interest than any one could or did the supremacy of Lake Ontario, when little was achieved anticipate; so much so, as to excite not only the envy, but, by either party on the water. Millions were disbursed,

H. OF R.]

Claim of James Monroe.

[JAN. 7, 1831.

and passed through the hands of that officer, on all of two weeks dangerously ill, and unable either to know which he had his commissions.

Take another case, when, if commissions were not allowed, they ought to have been. Such was the state of our finances, after the Constitution returned from the capture and destruction of the Guerriere, to the harbor of Boston, the navy agent, with all the available funds the Government could place in his hands, was unable to send her on another cruise. To do this, he pledged the whole of his private property, and became personally responsible for the necessary sum. What was the result? Another naval victory, and fresh laurels to the American arms. Part of these loans, effected by Mr. Monroe, were absolutely necessary to sustain your army, and embody the military forces at New Orleans, without which, victory would not have perched upon our standard; and he who is now at the head of the nation, would have been upon his farm in Tennessee.

or to attend to business. The department was conducted during this time by Major Macpherson, Mr. Graham, and myself, under the directions of the President, who was also confined by severe indisposition. The moment Mr. Monroe was restored to his senses, and had strength to dictate his instructions, we were summoned to his sick room, and were engaged daily in transcribing the communications which he had to make to all sections of the United States. For many days he was propped up in his bed by pillows, to write his despatches.

"TENCH RINGGOLD.

"WASHINGTON, February 2, 1829.

"Sworn to, before me, on this 2d day of February, A. D. 1820. "JOSEPH STORY,

"One of the Justices of the Sup. Court V. S.”

Sir, the gentleman from North Carolina is mistaken in We are told, Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Monroe has sought saying no individual could sustain the credit of this nation. all the offices he ever filled, and that he ought to be bound It was done in the two cases referred to, at a time when by his contract. Unfortunately for the gentleman from Government paper was passing at a discount of thirty- North Carolina, in this also he is mistaken, and contrathree per cent. I speak from what I saw, and well recol-dicted by Mr. Monroe's communication to this House, and lect, at a time when some of our public agents, who had Mr. Jefferson's letter of 13th January, 1803, informing been fattening on the spoils of the Government, had so him of his appointment to his second mission to France. little confidence in its solvency, that when treasury notes I will read but a few lines of that letter. passed through their hands, and it was necessary to en- "I am sensible, after the measures you have taken for dorse them, you would find upon them a special endorse-getting into a different line of business, that it will be a ment in these words: "Pay to A B, or order, without recourse, in any event, to me as endorser."

great sacrifice on your part, and presents, from the season, and other circumstances, serious difficulties. But some men are born for the public. Nature, by fitting them for the service of the human race, on a broad scale, has stamped them with the evidences of her destination, and their duty."

The services of Mr. Monroe, during a period of the late war, were greater and more arduous than any man's in this or any country. The world is unacquainted with them. He was the head and soul of the nation; oppressed and worn down by the weight of these services, he came But Mr. Monroe has sounded all the depths and shoals near sinking into his grave--superintending and discharg-of honor, (not the gentleman's language, but the idea coning the duties of three departments--State, Treasury, and veyed by him,) and he must consequently be satisfied with War. To effect these outdoor loans, so they may be the compensation received. A new mode to satisfy a called, was not, could not, be required of him. Listen to claim for money. This argument I have, in the comthe testimony of a living witness known to us all, Mr. mencement of my remarks, replied to. Ringgold, and who, from his situation, could best speak of the services of James Monroe:

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, as the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. WILLIAMS] has referred us to the de"On the 5th of September, 1814, Mr. Monroe ap-claration of one Governor of Virginia, permit me to refer pointed George Graham, Esq., Major Robert H. Macpher- him to the declaration of another Governor of that State, son, and myself, his confidential clerks, and made his own [Mr. FLOYD,] made in this House when the Vice President house our office. At this period, Baltimore, Richmond, threw himself upon us, and requested an investigation of Philadelphia, and New York, were menaced by the enemy his conduct--"The respect we entertain for our public with attacks; and large bodies of the militia and regular men, constitutes the reputation of our country; and, witharmy were stationed at each of these cities. Lines of vi- out respect from us, none can be claimed for them abroad dettes, who brought us information every two hours, were at this time, said he, such is the situation of Europe, and stationed on the Baltimore and Richmond roads. A com- the world, as to make it necessary for us to respect our pany of these videttes, under the command of Captain national character, made up and formed by our distinTaylor, of Virginia, were stationed in the western market-guished men. house, in front of Mr. Monroe's dwelling. He slept for

Sir, this is not the time for us to underrate the services three weeks on an uncomfortable couch, and made it my of our distinguished men, or ascribe to them unworthy duty to receive the despatches which were received from motives; and the gentleman from North Carolina may rest the cities which were threatened with attacks. It was assured, that if we only pay them, say nothing of realso made my duty to wake up Mr. Monroe whenever a warding them for their services, we shall not expect the vidette arrived at night with despatches; and I was often consequences of certain acts in France of which he has obliged to do so six times during the night. The de-given us such a vivid picture; I should sooner expect them spatches were regularly answered, and videttes sent off from a different course of policy. The people of this before he retired to bed. country are too well acquainted with the services of From the day Mr. Monroe accepted the office of Secre- James Monroe to suffer him to beg his daily bread from tary of War, to the end of the war, we had no office hours: door to door-the consequences of our withholding the we worked day and night, Sundays not excepted. Our payment of a just and equitable claim. usual time of shutting up the office, and leaving Mr. Monroe, was from 12 to 1 o'clock at night. In January, 1815, on an occasion of this sort, and after a day of incessant labor, Mr. Monroe, at 12 o'clock A. M., observed to us, that it was time to take some rest: in turning round to pull off his boots, he tumbled on the floor, exhausted with fatigue, and apparently lifeless: Mr. Graham being near, luckily caught him in his arms. He remained for

What has rendered the last fifty years more illustrious than any period of the world, since the commencement of time? It is the age of Chatham, Burke, Fox, Wellington, and Napoleon.

It is the age of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroc, Jackson, Adains, and other distinguished men in our country. What may not be said in favor of Virginia, with such sons as she has produced? You cannot fill by praise

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