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of government to prevent much evil; it can do very little positive good in this, or perhaps in anything else.—Thoughts on Scarcity.

The leading vice of the French monarchy (which he had well studied) was in good intention ill-directed, and a restless desire of governing too much. The hand of authority was seen in everything, and in every place. All, therefore, that happened amiss in the course even of domestic affairs was attributed to the government; and, as it always happens in this kind of officious universal interference, what began in odious power ended always, I may say without an exception, in contemptible imbecility.-Thoughts on Scarcity.

The laws reach but a very little way. Constitute government how you please, infinitely the greater part of it must depend upon the exercise of the powers which are left at large to the prudence and uprightness of ministers of state.—Thoughts on Scarcity.

The object of the state is (as far as may be) the happiness of the whole.

Whatever

makes multitudes of men utterly miserable can never answer that object; indeed it contradicts it wholly and entirely; and the happiness or misery of mankind, estimated by their feelings and sentiments, and not by any theories of their rights, is, and ought to be, the standard for the conduct of legislators towards the people. This naturally and necessarily conducts us to the peculiar and characteristic situation of a people, and to a knowledge of their opinions, prejudices, habits, and all the circumstances that diversify and colour life. The first question a good statesman would ask himself, therefore, would be, how and in what circumstances do you find the society, and to act upon them.-Speech on Pet. of Unitarians.

It is the interest, and it is the duty, and because it is the interest and the duty, it is the right of government to attend much t

opinions; because, as opinions soon combine with passions, even when they do not produce them, they have much influence on actions. Factions are formed upon opinions; which factions become in effect bodies corporate in the state;—nay, factions generate opinions in order to become a centre of union, and to furnish watchwords to parties; and this may make it expedient for government to forbid things in themselves innocent and neutral.-Speech on Pet. of Unitarians.

FORMS OF GOVERNMENT.

He (Mr. Burke) has never professed himself a friend or an enemy to republics or to monarchies in the abstract. He thought that the circumstances and habits of every country, which it is always perilous and productive of the greatest calamities to force, are to decide upon the form of its government. There is nothing in his nature, his temper, or his faculties, which should make him an enemy to any republic modern or ancient.

The general character and situation of a people must determine what sort of government is fitted for them. That point nothing else can or ought to determine.-Appeal from New to Old Whigs.

Bolingbroke has one observation which, in my opinion, is not without depth and solidity. He says that he prefers a monarchy to other governments; because you can better ingraft any description of republic on a monarchy than anything of monarchy upon the republican forms. I think him perfectly in the right. The fact is so historically; and it agrees well with the speculation.-Reflect. on Rev. in France.

NO QUALIFICATION FOR GOVERNMENT BUT
VIRTUE AND WISDOM.

There is no qualification for government but virtue and wisdom, actual or presumptive.

Wherever they are actually found they have

in whatever state, condition, profession, or trade, the passport of heaven to human place and honour. Woe to the country which would madly and impiously reject the service of the talents and virtues, civil, military, or religious, that are given to grace and to serve it; and would condemn to obscurity everything formed to diffuse lustre and glory around a state. Woe to that country too, that, passing into the opposite extreme, considers a low education, a mean, contracted view of things, a sordid, mercenary occupation, as a preferable title to command.Reflect. on Rev. in France.

But no name, no power, no function, no artificial institution whatsoever, can make the men of whom any system of authority is composed any other than God, and nature, and education, and their habits of life have made them. Capacities beyond these the people have not to give. Virtue and wisdom

may be the objects of their choice; but their

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