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in those which at present existed, to | it ought to be, the Government ought effect the object of the Bill? He had to guide the House. The Government himself brought in a Bill dealing with the omnibus traffic in the Metropolis. Committee put off to Tuesday the 17th of June next.

CHILDREN'S DANGEROUS PERFORM-
ANCES BILL [H.L.]—(No. 64.)
(The Earl De La Warr.)
COMMITTEE POSTPONED.

House in Committee (according to
Order).

LORD ABERDARE said, that he had no objection to the main principle of the Bill; but he wished to point out that all legislation of this sort which interfered with labour had been preceded by careful inquiry into the conditions under which that labour was carried on. After that inquiry, they could legislate with a full knowledge of the facts. He should have preferred that that had been done in this case. He was not, however, prepared to object to the future progress of the Bill; but he would suggest that though the House had, perhaps, sufficient materials for legislation on the subject, the Government ought to so far take charge of the Bill as to put such Amendments on the Paper as would change the Bill to the form it ought to

assume.

ought to take one of two courses-if the Bill, in their opinion, was not capable of improvement, they ought to move its rejection; if it was, on the other hand, capable of being amended, they ought to propose the necessary Amendments.

EARL DE LA WARR said, as the Government had accepted the principle of the Bill, he should be glad to consider any Amendments proposed by them.

THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD suggested that his noble Friend who had charge of the Bill (Earl De La Warr) would do well to postpone further proceeding with the Bill till after the Holidays; and, in the meanwhile, his noble Friend could be well occupied in revising the measure and framing in it such Amendments as he might think desirable.

THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY had a personal interest in hoping that the noble Earl (Earl De La Warr) would carefully consider Amendments. The Bill, as it stood, put very considerable penalties and severe responsibilities upon the owner of a circus. Now, every Easter Monday a great number of people came into his neighbourhood, and a circus was erected in one of his fields; and, therefore, he was the owner of that circus, though he must venture to decline to be either responsible for the age of the children employed in the circus, or the performances in which they were en

EARL DE LA WARR said, he would accept the suggestion of the noble Earl at the head of the Government.

THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY said, that the Bill did not touch some of the worst cruelty practised on young athletes and acrobats-namely, that which they underwent during their training. House resumed.

EARL BEAUCHAMP said, that it would be throwing great responsibility upon the Government if they were re-gaged. quired to take charge of and amend every Bill introduced by a noble Lord. He did not approve of the proposed legislation; but as the House had manifested a strong disposition in favour of it, he had offered no opposition to the second reading of the Bill on the part of the Government. At the same time, he stated that if it were to pass it must be considerably amended in Committee. He did not, however, think it was fair to put upon the Government the responsibility of introducing Amendments which would make this a satisfactory Bill. The evils attendant upon children being engaged in performances of this kind against their will were admitted, although the Bill might not thoroughly deal with all the matters relating to the subject.

THE EARL OF KIMBERLEY thought that in making a Bill of that kind what

Earl Beauchamp

To be again in Committee on Tuesday the 17th of June next.

TURKEY-CRETE-REPORTED DIS-
TURBANCES.

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LORD COLCHESTER asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, If Her Majesty's Government have any information as to the truth of the reported dis

turbances in the Island of Crete? Since he gave Notice of his Question, he had seen, by the usual sources of information, that Papers had been promised in "another place" relative to the affairs of Crete, since the termination of the Correspondence now before Parliament. In asking at that moment what foundation existed for the statements in some of the public journals concerning a serious, if partial, insurrection against the order of things now established in Crete, an order of things which that Correspondence gave some hope would be at length accepted by the people of that long-distracted Island, he trusted that the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Salisbury) might be able to state that they were either wholly or in a great measure incorrect, and had no other foundation than those partial disorders which, perhaps, could not at once be expected to disappear. He hoped that it might be so, not only for the sake of the tranquillity of Crete, or of the importance which it derived from its geographical position with regard to the interests of the Powers of Europe in the Mediterranean; but because it was the ground on which the first essay was being carried on of the reformed organization proposed to be carried out in other Provinces of European Turkey, and its success or failure in Crete could hardly fail to be taken as an augury of the prospects of similar reform elsewhere. Those of their Lordships who had at all followed this subject would remember that the Constitution established after the revolt and civil war of 1867-8, though offering many of the elements of good government, failed to command confidence and produce contentment-partly, perhaps, because it was not fully carried out, partly because it gave a share in the General Assembly to the Christian majority which, though far from insignificant, fell short of that to which they thought that their numbers entitled them, and which was requisite to protect their interests. Then, it appeared from the Papers before their Lordships that after that conflict and bloodshed of which the Island was the scene during the last year, the indefatigable exertions of the British Agents, and particularly of Consul Sandwith, seemed to have brought about the acceptance on both parts of a reformed organization, securing the essential liberties of both creeds and VOL, CCXLVI. [THIRD SERIES.]

races, and giving a decided predominance to the Christian majority in the representation of the Island, while insuring a full and generous recognition to the Mussulman minority, a recognition important not only for their due protection, but because an organization that overlooked the rights of the most warlike and hitherto dominant part of the population could hardly be lasting in itself, nor be accepted by the Porte in good faith. The Native Mussulmans, indeed, seemed, as it were, not altogether satisfied. Consul Sandwith, who stated that, observed in the same letter (November 4, 1878) that the great bulk of the Christians were well contented with the present arrangement, provided it were guaranteed by Her Majesty's Government that it should henceforth be a more difficult task for Greek committees to stir up the Island to a fresh revolt, and that if time were allowed for the growth of material prosperity, the motives impelling to revolution would gradually cease. Unfortunately, some discontent appeared to have arisen from the change of intention relative to the appointment of a Governor. The Christians had desired that Costaki Pasha, who had previously discharged his functions to the satisfaction of all parties, might be allowed to remain as the first Vali under the new system; but they were well contented by the appointment of Caratheodori Pasha. This appointment, however, was suddenly cancelled, and the substitution of Photiades Pasha, who ultimately was appointed to the office, seemed to have caused much distrust and dissatisfaction. It was evident that any person intrusted by the Turkish Government with the working of the new organization must have a difficult task, seeing that not only the reality, but the appearance, of any injustice or want of fidelity in executing what had been promised might have disastrous consequences; and it was to be hoped that no such imprudence would mar the prospect of better things which seemed at last secured to the Cretan people. Some of their Lordships might have noticed that the supposed seat of disorder was said to be the district of Sphakia, a report which, if true, was in one sense a hopeful sign, as the position of that district was altogether peculiar. Claiming certain special privileges, it stood to the rest of Crete somewhat as Crete had

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does not exist.

CRIMINAL LAW EXECUTION OF
CATHERINE CHURCHILL AT TAUN-
TON-ADMISSION OF THE PRESS.
QUESTION. OBSERVATIONS.

stood to the rest of the Empire, unwilling no accumulation at all, and no one to be absorbed in a general organiza- exactly knows what has become of the tion as the Cretans were to accept for money. That circumstance produced a themselves a share in the Constitution little embarrassment and discontent. set up by Midhat Pasha. He hoped they The real truth is that this is a very warmight hear from the noble Marquess like population, amongst whom there that the tranquillity of the Island under have been disturbances for many years. its organic statute was not seriously There are causes of deep-seated animenaced, though the smouldering fires mosity, owing to the long contest between of antagonism and animosity engendered Mussulmans and Christians, and what by long years, partly of mis-rule and is wanted in the Island is a very strong partly of anarchy, could not altogether and effective gendarmerie to keep order. be extinguished in a moment even by a Unfortunately, this strong and effective reform so full of promise for the future gendarmerie requires money for its susas the one now granted appeared to be. tenance. It is true the Albanians have THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: My refused to serve, or give their valuable Lords, I received yesterday a despatch assistance, and the result is that unfrom Consul Sandwith, whom my noble doubtedly there are some occasional Friend (Lord Colchester) has mentioned crimes of violence committed which may in terms of just commendation, and be very easily exaggerated and treated there was nothing in the language he as popular disorders; but anything indiused to lead me to believe that any dis- cating discontent on the part of the turbances were going on in Crete. My people with the Constitution recently information does not confirm the state-granted, as far as my information goes, ment of my noble Friend that there is any want of confidence felt in the new Governor, Photiades Pasha. There is no doubt the people were at first a little disappointed at the sudden change, when Caratheodori Pasha was summoned to be Foreign Minister at Constantinople; but they have not shown any want of trust LORD HOUGHTON asked, Whether in the present Governor, who is a man permission to be present at the intraof distinction, has served in high diplo-mural execution of Catherine Churchill matic posts, and is very highly valued in Taunton Prison on Monday the 26th by his Christian fellow-subjects. There of May was refused to all reporters and have been some differences of opinion. other persons than the officials of the My noble Friend has alluded to the dis- prison? In doing so, he would ask content of the people at Sphakia. Their their Lordships to remember that though discontent is a species of Home Rule the removal of the place of execution feeling; they want the capital to be in from Tyburn Gate to the outside of their district, and the capital is really Newgate was effected solely by the ausomewhere else; and that was a griev- thority of the Secretary of State, yet ance which at one time they were much when he suggested many years ago to inclined to make a subject of armed re- Sir James Graham that executions should sistance, but happily they were influencd take place inside the walls of the gaols, by better counsels. There has also been that distinguished statesman said that some difference of opinion with the Porte it was a matter of such importance as to upon a subject which I am sorry to say seriously affect the question of punishgives a great deal of perplexity and ment by death, and he would not trouble to the Porte at the present mo- meddle with it except under the aument-I mean the subject of finance. thority of an Act of Parliament. The There was a promise on the part of the public mind became similarly impressed, Porte that certain customs and revenues and an Act was passed authorizing inshould be paid to the people of Crete, tramural executions in 1868; but, at the and orders arrived from Constantinople same time, precautions were taken that that the accumulated result of those there should be an element of publicity revenues should be duly paid over; but about them for the purpose of properly when they came to examine into the bringing so awful an occurrence fully matter, somehow it turned out there was before the public mind, and a promise

Lord Colchester

was given by its promoters that though, | favour of public executions being conif it passed, executions would no longer ducted in accordance with the present occur in public places, they would be English_system; and, no doubt, attenpublic in the best sense of the word. tion in France would be drawn to this Now, he submitted that that promise subject, and any scandal occurring here. ought to be invariably fulfilled, so that with regard to intramural executions the public should know that the solemn might extend beyond the Channel. His act of the law had been properly carried wish was that nothing should be done out. He thought that executions thus or said to damage the law which was at regulated had been very successful and present in force, and under which there productive of great moral results, and it had been great success through its would appear that the people were con- admirable working. tented with the alteration in the law, the scenes of violence and confusion which once existed having been abolished. Therefore, he was very anxious that nothing should be done to cause any bad feeling against the change which had taken place; but, at the same time, he feared that a most obnoxious effect would be produced on the public mind if the practice were continued of excluding persons from witnessing the manner in which an execution had been carried out, as had taken place in the case under notice. He had read statements of bad management on the part of some persons at executions; and, therefore, he thought that everything should be public, so that the people might know what had taken place within the walls. Besides, during the last year or two, prisons had been transferred to the jurisdiction of the Home Office; and it was possible that less attention would be paid to these matters, now that the authority of the Visiting Justices had been reduced. No doubt, executions were carried out under the jurisdiction of the High Sheriff of the county or the Sheriff of the town, as the case might be. In the present case the power of exclusion was exercised by the High Sheriff himself, and, therefore, the Home Office, as such, could not be considered as responsible for any malfeasance or fault in the matter; but still it raised the important question as to the transference of the whole of the authority of the Visiting Justices to the Home Office; and it might be well that at all executions a public reporter should be present, because, in the event of any horrible mishap occurring, the facts would be sure to come out even if they were not present, and might appear in an exaggerated form, and a great deal of injury might result. Another point to be considered in connection with this question was, that a Commission in France had reported in

EARL BEAUCHAMP said, he was not in a position to answer the Question precisely; but he could give the noble Lord some general information with respect to the subject. The Act of Parliament now in force received the Royal Assent 11 years ago that day; but the noble Lord did not seem to be fully aware of the provisions of it. It provided that executions should be within the walls of a prison, and that the Sheriff, chaplain, gaoler, surgeon, and other officers of the prison should be present. Those persons were compelled by the law to be the official witnesses of the execution; and their presence, therefore, was an adequate guarantee of the judgment of the law being carried out. The Act also provided that the Justices of the Peace within whose jurisdiction an execution took place, should be permitted to be present, and power was given to the Sheriff to admit such other persons as he might think proper to be present. Under the Act of 1868 the whole of the responsibility in this respect was, therefore, thrown on the High Sheriff and the Visiting Justices. By the new Prisons Act the powers of the Visiting Justices were transferred to the Home Secretary; but as the local authorities must have better means of knowing what was advisable in particular cases, the Home Secretary had thought fit not to make any regulations in respect of admissions to executions, but to leave the matter in the hands of the High Sheriff. Therefore, when the Prisons Act was passed, it was thought desirable to make the High Sheriff responsible. Due publication was given to the carrying out of the law by the holding of the Coroner's inquest, and careful provision was made in that regard by the Act of 1868, so that he thought that ample facilities existed for securing publicity to the fact that the judgment of the law had been solemnly executed. He had

(91); Public Health (Scotland) Provisional Order (Bothwell)* (92); West India Loans (85); Convention (Ireland) Act Repeal (77). Third Reading-Disqualification by Medical Relief (6), and passed.

no information as to the particular case
referred to by the noble Lord, but as-
sumed that the High Sheriff had exer-
cised his discretion in a proper manner.
EARL FORTESCUE said, that it was
generally understood that the object of
making executions private was that the ARMY-
public might be spared disgusting and
sensational details in connection with
them, and that object would be defeated
if reporters were allowed to be present
at them. His understanding was that
the publicity requisite for establishing
the fact that the execution had been pro-
perly carried out was already provided
for by the presence of a certain number of
prison officials, and a Coroner's inquest
to be held afterwards on the body; and
he could not help thinking that in the
case of the Taunton execution the High
Sheriff of Somersetshire had exercised a
wise discretion in excluding reporters,
and he hoped that the example would
be followed by other High Sheriffs. He
would remind their Lordships that,
owing to the reading of a very graphic
description of an execution that of
Peace-a party of children had actually
in play recently hanged one of their own
playfellows. Looking at the precautions
adopted for the carrying out of the sen-
tences, the more private, therefore, the
executions were, the better.

LORD HOUGHTON said, he still remained in the opinion that it was of the utmost importance that there should be persons present at these executions other than the mere prison officials. While executions might be private, they ought not to be secret, and his belief was there was a danger of their becoming

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ARMY ORGANIZATION — THE

COMMITTEE.

QUESTION. OBSERVATIONS.

-

LORD TRURO, in rising to put a Question to the Government of which he had given private Notice, said, that the recent military embarrassments, which had been succeeded by severe Parliamentary criticism, had led the Government to deem it expedient to consent to appoint a Committee to inquire into the constitution of the Army. There were various opinions as to this step, and what had given rise to it. There were those who thought that this arose from carrying out the resolution or arrangements of the noble Viscount (Viscount Cardwell), and that the course pursued by him had in some degree led to the passing of so many young soldiers into the Reserve. What was the Reserve? It was the reservoir to receive the overflow of the Royal Army; but the noble Viscount had placed his overflow pipe at the bottom instead of the top. But what he (Lord Truro) wanted to address himself to was the constitution of this Committee, a matter which was not at all unimportant. He should like to know whether it was to be so composed as to hold out not the hope only, but the assurance of success? Would the constitution of this military Committee give that guarantee? Those who had read the names of the noble and gallant Generals who had been selected to serve on that Committee would recognize their claims to respect; but at this time it required something more than military minds to deal with this question. From early training, and from long-continued habit and associations, military men were unable to free themselves from prejudice; and it would, therefore, be difficult for them to examine into the present system without civilian aid. If the Committee failed to fulfil the purpose for which it was appointed, and left the Army in its present condition, he could not help thinking that the country would blame the Government for not introducing a civilian element into the Committee,

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