would not be in their power to afford | ment were prepared to adhere to the him facilities for bringing forward a declaration which was made by the subject of such vital importance to a Chief Secretary during the last debate large portion of the population, not only on this subject-That any proposal calof England and Scotland, but also of culated to give the Irish tenant security Ireland? in his holding was a measure which might be called a measure of confiscation and of Communism? He had listened to a great many debates on the Land Question in that House. He had heard a great many unfavourable replies from Governments on both sides; but he had never listened to language which had produced a greater sense and feeling alike of consternation and of anger throughout Ireland than that of the right hon. Gentleman. It was only natural that his hon. Friend (Mr. O'Donnell) should ask for some declaration on the subject before the House adjourned for the Holidays. He was glad to find that the Motion of which the hon. Member for Mid-Lincolnshire (Mr. Chaplin) had given Notice would include the case of Irish agricultural depression; but he warned the Government against the way in which they appeared to be treating the question. Did Her Majesty's Ministers suppose that the interests of good government in this country, or the Business of the House of Commons, would be promoted by their obstinately preserving a contemptuous silence on the matter? The Irish Members were in earnest on the question. They knew their own minds upon it; and they were backed by 5,000,000 of people across the water. They were determined to vindicate their rights, by quiet and orderly means if possible; but they were prepared, if need be, to resort to all the means which the House had put into their hands in order to bring before the Legislature and the country the great interests which they were sent there to represent.

MR. PARNELL said, he knew from experience that great agricultural distress prevailed in Ireland. He was talking the other day with a collector of the cess tax, who told him that he had never had such great difficulty since 1847 in getting money from the farmers. Owing to the great depression, and to the competition of the American market in corn, meal, and butter, the profits of the farmer had gone down considerably, and he knew that both the graziers and the small farmers experienced the greatest difficulty in making both ends meet. He believed that even on fairlyrented properties, it was a necessity for the tenant to have such security of tenure as would develop to the fullest the capabilities of the soil. Ireland at present was not more than one-third cultivated as it ought to be, and even its cultivated lands ought to produce three times as much as they did. It was necessary for the House to consider how best to devise a measure for the protection of the industry and exertions of the tenant-a measure of protection for the value which he added to the land; and he had no hesitation in saying that they must be prepared to adopt an exceptional measure of land reform for Ireland, as compared with England. He would not prolong the discussion on that occasion; but, unless the Government were ready to afford some opportunities for the consideration of this subject after Whitsuntide, and unless they intended, at all events, to do something in the direction of the recommendations of the Select Committee that sat upon the matter last Session, under the Presidency of the hon. Member for Reading (Mr. Shaw Lefevre), the question was one which would have to be taken up by the Irish Members in a firm and determined fashion. It was one which deeply affected their constituencies; and even if they were disposed to hang back a little on the subject, the constituencies would not allow

them.

MR. MITCHELL HENRY thought the Irish Representatives were entitled to know whether Her Majesty's Govern

MR. J. LOWTHER said, the hon. Gentleman had complained that Her Majesty's Government viewed with nonchalance the distress which existed among the agricultural classes in Ireland. If the sentiments evoked in the breasts of the Government were those of nonchalance, it, at any rate showed that they were not too thin-skinned with respect to expressions which hon. Members made use of about their individuality. He did not complain of the plainspeaking in which the hon. Gentleman had indulged, and must claim a similar

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, a full opportunity would be given; but it was desired to take that stage in order that the Bill might be printed. The hon. Member for Hackney (Mr. Fawcett) had just given Notice of an Amendment on the second reading, which would, no doubt, raise a discussion.

privilege himself, and say that he must I was taken very late last night, and was adhere to anything that he had said passed pro formá on the understanding standing in that place on former occa- that the subject should be discussed sions; but that in nothing which he or at a later stage, and that the present any of his Colleagues had said had they stage should be taken at a reasonable ever expressed any want of sympathy hour. There were many Members who with the depression which he admitted exceedingly objected to the course which to exist in the agriculture of Ireland. the Government proposed to take in the He was glad, however, to think that matter; and, therefore, if the present that depression, although undoubted, stage was to be also regarded as only a was neither so prevalent nor so acute as matter of form, he hoped that a full opthe depression at present existing in portunity for discussion would be given other parts of the United Kingdom. He at a later stage. thought that the hon. Member for MidLincolnshire (Mr. Chaplin) had done good service in drawing the attention of the House to the fact that the Motion which he proposed to bring forward would deal not merely with an isolated branch of a great subject, but would deal with the entire question in all its bearings. That Motion would afford a legitimate opportunity for the expression of opinion on the part of hon. Mem-stage as purely formal. bers representing all sections of the United Kingdom. In the course of the debate, allusion had been made to the landlords of Ireland as not having been so generous as the landlords of England in regard to agricultural depression; but it was the fact that great personal sacrifices had been made by many of them in their efforts to relieve the present distress. In justice to the landlords of Ireland, he had thought it right to say so much. He trusted the House would not disperse for the Recess in the spirit of the hon. Member for Galway, or with any idea in their minds that the landed distress in Ireland was viewed with unconcern by Her Majesty's Government, who had every desire to see what could be done to remedy it.

MR. FAWCETT regarded the present

Resolution agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. RAIKES, Mr. EDWARD STANHOPE, and Mr. CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER.

METROPOLIS (LITTLE CORAM STREET,
BLOOMSBURY, WELLS STREET, POP-
LAR, AND GREAT PETER STREET,
WESTMINSTER) IMPROVEMENT PRO-
VISIONAL ORDERS CONFIRMATION
BILL [Lords]-[BILL 175.]

Bill considered in Committee and reported, with an Amendment.

On Motion, "That the Bill, as amended, be considered upon Tuesday 10th June, at Two of the clock."

SIR CHARLES W. DILKE objected that this was the first intimation which the Government had given of their intention to take a Morning Sitting on that day.

SIR HENRY SELWIN-IBBETSON said, that the Morning Sittings had been taken at as early an hour in former Sestions, and the Government only followed their usual precedent.

SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL said, that considering the great difficulty in getting through the Business of the House, he was in favour of really setting to work in the mornings. As at present arranged, when so-called Morning Sittings were taken, the House did not sit longer

than otherwise-they sat 2 to 7 instead | very much as he liked with, and the of 4 to 9-the only effect being to steal, landlord ought to have prior claim for as it were, the evenings given to Private his rent over the tradesman who supMembers, and to enable hon. Members plied the farmer with manure or with to go to dinner who did not come back food and clothing. He much regretted again, and so very frequently the time that the Government had given their after 9 was also lost to private Mem- support to this Bill, and he trusted that bers. He proposed that the Bills men- even at that stage it would not be tioned be considered at 11 o'clock on pressed. Tuesday, 10th June.

Order for Consideration, as amended, course, an urban constituency; but alread.

naturally result from the passing of this
Bill that not only the larger rural hy-
pothec, but the smaller hypothec and
the urban hypothec, and also the Law
of Distress in England, must be abo-
lished. He was convinced that it was
necessary to cut the Law of Hypothec
down to the narrowest limits; but if it
were totally abolished, it would be illo-
gical to retain the principle in any other
form in any part of the Kingdom. It
seemed to him, as the noble Lord (Lord
Elcho) stated on a former occasion, that
the conduct of the Government in the
matter was open to the gravest suspicion,
and that it was clearly the result of the
prospect of the contest in Mid-Lothian.
The Government could not honestly sup-
port the Bill, unless they were also
prepared to support the proposition to
abolish the Law of Distress in England
and Ireland, and to abolish urban hy-
pothec. He had consulted one of his
constituents-a large grain merchant-
who was likely to be well informed on
the subject. That gentleman said to
him-"You ought to support the Hy-
pothec Bill." He replied "That's all
very well; but which is the Bill you
would like me to support, because I
could not approve of the abolition of
hypothec without any restriction what-
ever?" The grain merchant said-
"You are perfectly right; and he would
be a fool who would propose simply to
abolish the present hypothec, without
something to take its place." That prin-
ciple was universal in old countries, and
also prevailed in new ones-America,
for instance, and he doubted whether
they could get rid of it.

MR. VANS AGNEW thought it unnecessary that he should now meet arguments which had been already used and discussed. Those arguments had, in fact, been thoroughly thrashed out, not only this Session, but in previous Sessions; but in reply to the hon. Members for the Isle of Wight and Kirkcaldy, who said there was not a consensus of opinion on this point in Scotland, he would remind them of the Division which took place four years ago, when, out of 45 Scotch Members, 42 were in favour of the abolition of hypothec. Again, the second reading of the present Bill was carried by a majority of 127, and out of 49 Scotch Members who voted, 47 were in favour of the second reading. He thought that was a complete answer Sir George Campbell

to those who said it was not the wish of the Scotch constituencies that this Bill should pass; and he was very sorry that a Bill which was so thoroughly wished for in Scotland should be opposed by hon. Members who either represented or came from Scotland.

MR. J. W. BARCLAY said, he could not understand the views of the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Sir George Campbell, and must express his regret that the hon. Member had been so long out of the country, and had not had the benefit of the discussion on hypothee which had been going on for the last 20 years. He hoped the hon. Gentleman would not require another 20 years to convert him on the question. As regarded the views of the smalier farmers, the hon. Member might safely leave that matter to the representatives of small farmers. The whole of the county Members, with one exception, had agreed that in the interest of the smaller farmers, as well as in that of the larger, hypothec ought to be abolished. With regard to the consideration of the question in the meantime, he hoped the Government, or their legal Representative in Scotland, would put Amendments on the Paper which would really deal with the somewhat difficult legal questions involved in this Bill. When the measure was in Committee he thought it went rather quickly through, and that the House had not proper time to consider it; for he doubted whether the legal Representative of the Government had, at the time, fully realized the effect of the Bill as it then passed. He thought even the hon. Member (Mr. Vans Agnew), who had charge of the Bill, did not at that time fully comprehend what would be the effect of his measure. He hoped, and thought, the House had a right to expect on such a question the legal Representative of the Government should become responsible for the amendment of the existing law, in order to carry out the intention of the House, without the risk of involving the country in great legal difficulties after the Bill became law. If the right hon. and learned Gentleman was prepared to become responsible for the Amendments which appeared on the Paper, he had no objection to the Bill going through after admission on the question, whether Clause 2 stood part of the Bill, upon which he felt compelled to take the opinion of the House,