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London is not the only large city in | By these rules the Stewards of the Jockey Club the country. What are you going to do have the full power of preventing any meeting with Birmingham, Liverpool, and Man-taking place by refusing to advertise it in their chester? You cannot keep to 10, 12, or 14 miles; if this Bill passes it must be made to apply to the whole country, and if so, you are asking for one of the most tyrannical measures that ever went out of this House. To show what are the powers of the Jockey Club in respect of such meetings, I will quote one of the rules under the head "Management of Meetings and Powers of Stewards

official Calendar (Rules of Racing,' Part 2, Rule 4); and as regards the alleged inaction of the Jockey Club, it should be noted that during the past year the notice of its Stewards having been called to certain irregularities which had occurred at one of the race-meetings held within the radius mentioned in the Bill, instructions were given to Messrs. Weatherby, the publishers of the official Calendar, by the said Stewards, which would have prevented the said meeting being held unless satisfactory guarantees were given for its proper conduct. No application was made to Messrs. Weatherby, and no race-meeting was held on that course last year. The Stewards of the Jockey Club further called the attention of the stewards of race meetings to the necessity of

"Every meeting must be advertised in The Racing Calendar. The advertisements must state that the meeting is to be subject to the rules of racing, and must state, as soon as prac-acting with authority in their capacity by the ticable, the days on which the meeting is to begin and end, and the names of two or more persons as stewards, and of the judge, starter, and clerk of the scales. No meeting shall be advertised in The Racing Calendar unless the money added be not less than 300 sovereigns per day."

If any meeting takes place without being advertised in The Racing Calendar, the horses which run at it cannot run at any other meeting throughout the country, and the jockeys are not allowed to ride at any course under the rules of the Jockey Club; and this has practically the effect of putting an end to meetings of an objectionable character. In the Memorial presented to my noble Friend the Prime Minister by the Stewards of the Jockey Club, and which is dated Newmarket, May 2, 1879, there is this statement

following notice, which appeared in The Calendar, No. 25, of last year:-The Stewards of the Jockey Club beg to call the attention of gentlemeetings to the responsibility which they incur men undertaking the office of stewards of race for the proper management of such meetings, and express their hope that gentlemen will not accept the office unless they intend to be present, or are fully satisfied as to the arrangements for the conduct of the meeting.' And lastly, the Stewards of the Jockey Club require a guarantee from all promoters of race meetings that adequate arrangements be made for the maintenaction of the Stewards in these matters, the ance of order during the meeting. Since the Metropolitan meetings have diminished from eight advertised in 1877 to two which have been hitherto advertised for this year. They humbly submit, therefore, that the Jockey Club, the exercise of their authority, not only with through their Stewards, have not been idle in regard to racing matters, but also as to the maintenance of order; and, further, that the said Stewards are ever prepared to entertain and act upon any suggestion with which the Secretary of State for the Home Department might favour them."

"At meetings of the Jockey Club, held on the 16th and 30th of April, the Racecourses Licensing Bill was brought under consideration, and it was unanimously decided that the Stew- That the Jockey Club have power to ards should be requested to place Her Majesty's stop these races is manifest by their Government in possession of the facts of the having done so in the cases of West case as regards the powers claimed by the Jockey Club in respect of the licensing of race Drayton, Kingsbury, and Streatham. meetings and the manner in which they have These are cases in which the Jockey exercised them. In accordance with this direc- Club have acted; and I have no doubt tion, the Stewards of the Jockey Club beg to their rules will be more stringently represent to Her Majesty's Ministers that, as far carried out; in fact, so strictly have as they are able to gather from brief reports of those rules been carried out, that the debates in the House of Commons, where this question seems to have been subjected to a very number of Metropolitan meetings has limited amount of discussion, it would appear been diminished from eight, adverthat the Bill has been mainly advocated upon tised in 1877, to two this year. the alleged ground that the Jockey Club does to West Drayton-where the stand was not possess the power to deal with meetings held within the contemplated area; and, further, burnt down-that meeting has been put that if it did possess that power, it has hitherto a stop to by the Jockey Club, an inconneglected to take the requisite action. We venient practice of neglecting to pay would bring before the consideration of Her over the stakes having arisen, and the Majesty's Government that, in 1876, at a special Club insisting that before the meeting is meeting of the Jockey Club, it was resolved to revise the rules of racing, and that a fresh code advertised in The Calendar the money of rules came into operation in January, 1877. must be paid. That meeting has not

The Duke of Richmond and Gordon

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down these races because they are a nuisance to the ratepayers, I do not see how you can confine the Bill to within 10 miles of London. Why are persons living outside that limit not to have the same protection as those living inside that limit? If you once pass this Bill, and say that magistrates are to decide whether the meetings are to take place or not, it must be extended further. What does the Bill propose? The 1st

taken place since; neither has the Streatham, for the reason that they have been unable to advertise in The Calendar, in all probability through being unable to guarantee the 300 sovs. a-day added money. The Kingsbury meeting has also come to an end, seemingly because they could not obtain stewards of character and responsibility. Under these circumstances, nothing calls for legislative interference. Moreover, the magistrates have power to refuse licences to the sporting pub-clause declares what is horse-racing; it licans on whose property these meetings generally take place. My noble Friend has spoken of gate-meetings in terms of reprobation. Did he apply his condemnation to all gate-meetings, without exception ?

VISCOUNT ENFIELD: Not to Goodwood.

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND AND GORDON: If I am not under a delusion, I have seen my noble Friend at the Goodwood meetings.

VISCOUNT ENFIELD: You never invited me there.

The

says that any race in which any horse runs in competition with any other horse, or against time, for any prize, bet, or wager, and at which more than 20 persons are present, is a horse race. The 2nd clause declares any horse race unlawful which shall take place within a radius of 10 miles from Charing Cross, unless in a place duly licensed, as provided by the Act; and the 5th clause imposes a penalty of £10, or imprisonment for two months, on any person who shall take part in any horse race in any open or inclosed land or place for which THE DUKE OF RICHMOND AND a licence has not been obtained. GORDON: If the noble Viscount had 6th clause declares that owners and been at Goodwood, he would never have occupiers of ground where unlicensed made the remarks. Gate-meetings are horse races take place shall be guilty not all to be held up to public reprobation. of a misdemeanour, and on conviction Does the noble Viscount consider San- shall be punishable by a fine not less down one of those gate-meetings? Does than £5 nor exceeding £25, or by imheconsider that Sandown is not a respect- prisonment for not less than one month able meeting, and that it is not attended nor more than three. Now, if you pass by respectable people? Does not the this Bill, and extend it to the whole noble Viscount know that persons of the country, what will be the effect of it? very highest society, male and female, I ask your Lordships to imagine the case attend this meeting; and is it to be of a number of gentlemen staying in a supposed they would do so, if they were country house for the purpose of huntcharacterized by any proceedings which ing; there may be a dispute over the call for magisterial interference? On dinner-table that one horse is not so fast the other hand, the magistrates have as another horse; and if, on the following power to suppress objectionable gate- day, those gentlemen run their two horses meetings by refusing the necessary in the park for a bet of a sovereign, and licences for them. My noble Friend has there are more than 20 persons presentquoted a letter written by the late Lord which, in all probability, there would be, Derby to Sir Joseph Hawley; but I do looking on-why, they would be liable to not see how the authority of Lord Derby fine and imprisonment. The gentlemen can be dragged into this question, seeing who had adjourned from the dinnerthat that letter has reference to handi- table to the park would become liable capping and running young horses, and to a penalty of £10 or two months' imhas nothing whatever to do with gate-prisonment each; and their host, the meetings. The noble Viscount has care- owner of the park, would render himself fully refrained from explaining the provi- liable to a penalty of £25 or three sions of the Bill. I will now do so. As I months' imprisonment. I think it likely have already stated, and as my noble that if this Bill pass no occurrences of Friend has also stated, if the principle that nature will hereafter take place in of this Bill were conceded, that you are any gentleman's park. Then, as to to give magistrates the power of putting licences-the licence, when obtained, is

to run for 12 months from Lady Day. So that any person requiring a licence must make his application at the Michaelmas Sessions preceding, or go without for 18 months. I am as much opposed to these small meetings as is my noble Relative himself. I am equally anxious to uphold the national pastime which has flourished in this country for so long a period; but I think I have fully shown that this Bill is unnecessary and would be tyrannical; and, for these reasons, I think myself fully justified in supporting the Amendment.

EARL GRANVILLE said, that when, last week, his noble Friend (Viscount Enfield) asked him to support this Bill, he told him he was very sorry he could not do so, and that, on the contrary, he should oppose it. The opinion which he entertained when he made that statement to his noble Friend was based on three points-first, the geographical limit to which the noble Duke (the Duke of Richmond and Gordon) had alluded; next, that the Bill seemed to be an invasion on the position of the Jockey Club; and, thirdly, that it would be opposed by the Government, who, in matters connected with the police of the Metropolis, had superior means of information to that which private persons could have. But since then he had had some conversation with persons of more knowledge on the subject than himself, and he had attentively listened to the speeches delivered that evening; and the result was that he felt constrained to support the Bill, notwithstanding the appeal of the noble Duke. With regard to the geographical limit, the noble Duke urged that it was impossible to apply to the Metropolitan district regulations which were not to be extended to other parts of the country. Was not that rather a new doctrine? Were there not powers vested in the Metropolitan magistrates and in the Metropolitan Police which were entirely distinct from those exercised in other great towns in the country? With regard to the Jockey Club, nobody was more anxious to support the authority of that body than he was. He thought that in one instance in their Lordships' House he had somewhat conspicuously supported the Jockey Club. His noble Friend the Chairman of Committees proposed a Bill regulating the weights to be used for racing; and he (Earl Granville)

The Duke of Richmond and Gordon

opposed it in the strongest manner he could on the ground that horse-racing was a national pastime and had taken great hold on the people of this country; that it was necessarily important, therefore, to have some controlling power over racing, and that it would be very difficult indeed to substitute a better one than the Jockey Club as it then stood. The Jockey Club now was not quite in the position in which it was then. He pointed out to the House that at that time the Jockey Club included not only landowners, Generals, and Admirals, but also two Privy Councillors and seven members who had been Cabinet Ministers, of whom two had twice been Prime Ministers. Now, at present, he was afraid the Jockey Club could not claim as a member either the present or the late Prime Minister. The noble Duke had read a list of some of the most prominent members of the Jockey Club, and they were unquestionably persons in whom one would have the greatest confidence both for judgment and for knowledge of this particular subject. When he read the list, beginning with the Duke of Westminster and ending with the Marquess of Hartington, and including other distinguished patrons of the racecourse-among them his noble Friend opposite (the Earl of Wilton)— it occurred to him (Earl Granville) at once that he had never heard or seen in any newspaper of any one of those distinguished persons being present or running horses at Metropolitan gate-meetings. He thought that in anything with regard to racing there was no more competent body than the Jockey Club; but in this matter there were other considerations. He was told that at one of the suburban meetings a Newmarket official absolutely refused to go on with his duties any longer because he remarked that the jockeys delayed starting their horses until they got a fleet messenger informing them who was to win. Such questions as these there could be no doubt that the Jockey Club was the most competent authority to deal with. But when there arose the question of nuisance and of peace and order in the Metropolis, it appeared to him that the Jockey Club was not so good a body to control these places as the general body of magistrates. The noble Duke had given his opinion upon the Jockey Club Memorial. As he understood the matter,

the proposal in the Jockey Club was that do, with his views about post-betting they should petition against the Bill; and assumed names, I am not disposed but there was a great difference of to say that the Jockey Club or owners of opinion, and the result was a compro- racehorses yield in any respect to the mise-namely, the Memorial was content owners of former days, and I confess I with setting out the facts, and leaving have investigated that subject from the the Government to deal with the ques- records of the past. I claim to speak on tion. With regard to the Government, this Bill with some little knowledge. I it was said they were opposing the Bill, approach it from various points of view and that there had been "a whip" for -as a member of the Jockey Club, as the purpose. The noble Duke had given an owner of racehorses, as one who as a reason that the Bill was tyrannical goes to races-which the noble Viscount and unnecessary, and that if it passed does not-and as a suburban resident; it would have to be extended to the rest and I think that from all these four points of the country. But in what respect of view the Bill may be regarded as one had the measure been changed since the that does not deserve the support of time when it was supported in the your Lordships' House. There are two House of Commons, not merely by an views, of course, as regards any Bill individual Member of the Government, dealing with racing-there is the racing but by the Home Secretary and his two point of view, and in this case there is Under Secretaries, who spoke in the the point of view that regards the amenistrongest terms in favour of and voted ties of Metropolitan recreations. As refor the Bill? Those Members of the gards racing, I do not suppose any human Government might be supposed to be in being pretends that the improvement of possession of good information on such the breed of horses, which is supposed a subject; and when he found them sup- to be the object of racing, is furthered in porting the measure as one calculated to any respect by the gate-meetings with effect the object for which it was pro- which you are dealing; and, in a racing moted, he thought he was justified in point of view, this Bill may be regarded giving it his support in their Lordships' as one which cannot affect racing as House. a national pastime. But, in the second. THE EARL OF ROSEBERY: My place, when I come to the regulations Lords, I am not concerned to deal very that are to protect Metropolitan inhabitclosely with the speech of the noble Earl ants against these "incursions of bar(Earl Granville) who leads this side of barians" of whom the noble Viscount the House, because it dealt chiefly with speaks, he ought to remember-and some mysterious agencies that had ope- that is the ground on which I feel rated on his own mind that I did not myself compelled to vote against this precisely understand, and it dealt also Bill-that there are already three effiwith the more mysterious policy of Her cient methods of dealing with the matMajesty's Government with regard to ter. There is, first, the Jockey Club. this Bill, which I still less can compre- I quite agree that the Stewards of the hend. I have observed this singularity Jockey Club have been inert in this in this debate that only one speech matter. There I fully admit the arguhas dealt with the measure now before ment of the noble Viscount; and except the House, and that was not the speech they take more care for the future of these of the noble Viscount who brought it in. matters, as they are pledged to do, some He was good enough to express his other means must be resorted to. In the views on a vast variety of subjects, with second place, the magistrates can refuse a good deal of wit and humour that a licence, and that has been found opecommended itself to the House, and rative; and, in the third place, the Comwhich everyone must wish to compli- missioners of Police can refuse the proment; but I must be allowed, incident-tection of the police. If the noble Visally, to state that this is not a Bill for count thinks this Bill will furnish any dealing with assumed names or post-more effectual means than these three of betting, or the delinquencies of the putting down these meetings, I do not Jockey Club; and as the noble Viscount's think he has shown them to us. The speech dealt almost entirely with these fact is that the matter which your Lordtopics, I failed to gather any special ships have to consider is one apart from enlightenment. Agreeing fully, as I racing. I do not think lovers of racing

would have cause of regret if all these gate-money meetings ceased to exist; but I am not unnaturally jealous of the amusements of a free people being tampered with by small measures of this description. You do not know where you are to limit them. The noble Viscount who moved the second reading says no unlicensed racecourse should be allowed within 15 or 16 miles. When you get to 16 miles, you touch the historic race of this country-the Derby. That would place it in the power of the local magistrates of Epsom to put down that race at any moment they may see fit. That would be the effect if the Bill were so amended. I came to this House somewhat wavering as to the expediency of opposing this measure. I confidently anticipated hearing strong arguments in its favour; but every argument which I have heard tends directly against the Bill, and I must record my vote with the noble Lord who moved the Amendment.

THE EARL OF MORLEY said, the noble Duke (the Duke of Richmond and Gordon) had urged as an argument against this Bill that it was impracticable to fix a limit within which it was to operate, and said that if such a measure was passed at all it must be applicable to the whole country. But he (the Earl of Morley) asked whether it had not in countless cases been found perfectly easy to define the exact space to which an Act of Parliament should apply? And why, therefore, should any special difficulty be experienced in the present case ? This was not a question of racing or improving the breed of horses-it was really a question in the cause of law and order. The race-meetings to which it referred caused the dregs of the Metropolis to invade quiet neighbourhoods, and were, therefore, productive of great inconvenience to the inhabitants of those neighbourhoods. The Bill did not propose to prohibit these meetings absolutely; what it provided was that when a meeting of this kind was desired it should be necessary to satisfy Boards of Quarter Session that they would be respectably and quietly managed. He trusted that the Bill would be passed, and that the abominable meetings which were held in some quarters at the present time would be put an end to.

LORD RIBBLESDALE said, he would venture to say that these gate-meetings were attended by a large number of the The Earl of Rosebery

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very persons who were stated in the Bill to object to them. The noble Viscount who had introduced the Bill stated that magistrates at Quarter Sessions, before granting a licence for a race meeting, would have to satisfy themselves that the horses that would be engaged were of the highest class. He thought it would be adding very much to the onerous labours of magistrates to require them to perform such a duty as that. He knew that meetings such as these in the suburbs of London were very objectionable, and he should, therefore, vote for the second reading.

THE EARL OF REDESDALE thought that the subject-matter of the Bill would be better left to the consideration and care of the Jockey Club.

AND

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND GORDON explained that the Stewards of the Jockey Club were willing to act upon any suggestion that might be made by the Home Secretary on this subject. The matter had been discussed at a meeting of the Jockey Club, but no division was taken.

LORD ABERDARE asked whether, supposing these meetings were held in defiance of the Jockey Club and the rules laid down in reference to the class of horses run and the conduct of the jockeys who rode them, what power would the Club have over the meetings?

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND AND GORDON: The magistrates have power to refuse to license meetings irregularly conducted, and the Jockey Club would refuse to allow any advertisement of these races in The Racing Calendar. The Jockey Club have the power of preventing horses from being run and jockeys from riding at all race-meetings held under their rules; and the refusal to insert the advertisement of irregular meetings in The Racing Calendar would, consequently, have the practical effect of putting a stop to such meetings altogether.

THE EARL OF AIRLIE observed, that there were hurdle and other races which did not come under the jurisdiction of the Jockey Club, but which also needed to be controlled.

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND AND GORDON said, that the Grand National Hunt Committee would act in such cases in accordance with the course adopted by the Jockey Club.

THE MARQUESS OF HUNTLY said, it was clear, from the discussion which

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