of special pleading, the snapperadoes of practice, do not help us to decide a matter like this. A great nation must not be impaled upon a pin's point. Precedents which might bind a Court of Quarter Sessions determining the settlement of a pauper cannot tie up the hands of the Supreme Legislature defending a fundamental right of the whole people. When Grenville, in 1766, cited the authority of divers cases to show that America might be taxed without representation, Pitt answered: "I come not here armed at all points, with the statute-book doubled down in dog's ears to defend the cause of liberty. I can acknowledge no veneration for any procedure, law, or ordinance, that is repugnant to reason and the first principles of our Constitution. I rejoice that America has resisted." So spoke the defiant friend of our race in the presence of a hostile Parliament ten years before the Declaration of Inde pendence. And now, after this long interval of time, we behold our greatest right, — the right on which all other rights depend, successfully assailed in our own Congress with the same small weap ons that Grenville used. If brute force had crushed it out, w might have borne the calamity with fortitude; but to see it cir cumvented by knavery and pettifogged to death, is too much to b endured with any show of patience.

If the majority of that Commission could but have realized thei responsibility to God and man, if they could only have understoo that in a free country liberty and law are inseparable, they woul have been enrolled among our greatest benefactors, for they woul have added strength and grandeur to our institutions. But the could not come up to the height of the great subject. Part passion so benumbed their faculties that a fundamental right seeme nothing to them when it came in conflict with some argument sup ported by artificial reasoning and drawn from the supposed analc gies of technical procedure. The Constitution was in their judg ment outweighed by a void statute and the action of a corrup Returning Board.

Let these things be remembered by our children's children, an if the friends of free government shall ever again have such a cor test, let them take care how they leave the decision of it to a tr bunal like that which betrayed the nation by enthroning the Gre Fraud of 1876.

Ir has long been evident that the aggressive force of Mohammedanism is spent, and that in offensive war the individual bravery and tumultuous attacks of its followers can no longer make head against the military science and discipline of modern Europe. For years the Turk has been regarded as a "sick man," on the bed of death; and it is a common belief that the slow process of dissolution has been unduly prolonged by the anxious care of those who think less of the fate of the invalid than of the disposition to be made of the ample possessions of the intestate. When Mohammed II. captured Constantinople, the spirit of the Crusades had disappeared, and the strength of Europe was so far away, and so fully occupied with other affairs, that no effectual and combined resistance was opposed to the victorious progress of the Osmanli. When Sobieski routed the army of Cara Mustapha under the walls of Vienna, the tide turned, and, although occasionally illuminated by brilliant victories, the path of the Turk has since then been backward towards the Bosphorus. Early in the eighteenth century a new Power appeared upon the stage. Soon after the battle of Pultawa Russia became involved in a war with Turkey, the result of which was not favorable to the former. A few years later war again broke out, and from that time forth wars succeeded each other in rapid succession, the result being a gradual, but quite constant extension of the Russian territory towards Constantinople.

Finally, at the close of the war of 1828 and 1829, Russia had extended her frontier to the Pruth and Lower Danube, and had gained the entire northern and eastern shores of the Black Sea, as far as Fort St. Nicholas, not many miles north of the mouth of the Tschorock. The main results of the Crimean War were to throw back her frontier from the Lower Danube, and the destruction of her naval power on the Black Sea. Within a century Russia has advanced her frontiers some four hundred and fifty miles towards Constantinople, about eight hundred and fifty miles towards Ber

of special pleading, the snapperadoes of practice, do not help to decide a matter like this. A great nation must not be impal upon a pin's point. Precedents which might bind a Court of Que ter Sessions determining the settlement of a pauper cannot tie i the hands of the Supreme Legislature defending a fundament right of the whole people. When Grenville, in 1766, cited th authority of divers cases to show that America might be taxe without representation, Pitt answered: "I come not here armed all points, with the statute-book doubled down in dog's ears defend the cause of liberty. I can acknowledge no veneration fo any procedure, law, or ordinance, that is repugnant to reason an the first principles of our Constitution. I rejoice that America ha resisted." So spoke the defiant friend of our race in the presence of a hostile Parliament ten years before the Declaration of Inde pendence. And now, after this long interval of time, we behold our greatest right, the right on which all other rights depend, successfully assailed in our own Congress with the same small weap ons that Grenville used. If brute force had crushed it out, we might have borne the calamity with fortitude; but to see it cir cumvented by knavery and pettifogged to death, is too much to be endured with any show of patience.

If the majority of that Commission could but have realized their responsibility to God and man, if they could only have understood that in a free country liberty and law are inseparable, they would have been enrolled among our greatest benefactors, for they would have added strength and grandeur to our institutions. But they could not come up to the height of the passion so benumbed their faculties that a f nothing to them when it came in conflict ported by artificial reasoning and dray gies of technical procedure. The C ment outweighed by a void statut Returning Board.

Let these things be remembe if the friends of free governme test, let them take care ho bunal like that which bet Fraud of 1876.

subject. Party al right seemed

argument sup supposed analo

judg rrupt

n, and

con

a triGreat

BLACK.