ambition. All history shows, that such passions always exist among states, combined in confederacies. To deny it, is to deceive ourselves. It has existed, it does exist, and always must exist. In our political relations, as in our personal, we then walk most safely, when we walk with reference to the actual existence of things; admit the weaknesses, and do not hide from ourselves the dangers, to which our nature is exposed. Whatever is true, let us confess. Nations, as well as individuals, are only safe, in proportion as they attain self-knowledge, and regulate their conduct by it..

What fact, upon this point, does our own experience present? It presents this striking one; that, taking the years, for which the presidential chair is already filled, into the account; out of twenty-eight years, since our constitution was established, the single state of Virginia has furnished the President, for twentyfour years. And, further, it is now as distinctly known, and familiarly talked about, in this city and vicinity, who is the destined successor of the present President after the expiration of his ensuing term, and known, that he, too, is to be a Virginian, as it was known and familiarly talked about, during the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, that the present President was to be his successor. And the former was, and the latter is, a subject of as much notoriety, and, to human appearance, of as much certainty, too, as who will be the successor to the British crown, is a matter of notorie ty in that country. To secure this succession and keep it in the destined line, has been, is, and will continue to be, the main object of the policy of these men. This is the point, on which the projects of the cabinet for the three years past have been brought to bear, that James the first, should be made to continue four years longer. And this is the point, on which the projects of the cabinet will be brought to bear for the three years to come-that James the second, shall be made to succeed, according to the fundamental rescripts of the Monticellian dynasty.

[Mr. Quincy was, here, again called to order. The

Speaker said that, really, the gentleman laid his premises so remote from his conclusions, that he could not see how his observations applied to the bill. Mr. Quincy proceeded.]

On the contrary, sir, I maintain that both my premises and conclusions are very proximate to each other, and intimately connected with the bill on the table, and with the welfare of this people.' *

Is it not within the scope of just debate to show, that the general policy of the cabinet, and that also this particular project have for their object the aggrandizement of the cabinet themselves; or some member of it? If this be the object of the bill, is it not proper to be exhibited? The topic may be of a nature, high and critical, but no man can deny, that it is both important and relevant. To secure the power, they at present possess, to perpetuate it in their own hands, and to transfer it to their selected favorites, is the great project of the policy of the members of our cabinet. It would be easy to trace to this master passion the declaration of war, at the time, and under the circumstances, in which it occurred. Antecedent to

the declaration of war, it, was distinctly stated by individuals from that quarter of the country, under the influences of which this war was adopted, that the support of the present President of the United States by their quarter of the country, depended upon the fact of the cabinet's coming up to the point of war with Great Britain. This state of things, and the knowledge of it by the members of the cabinet, was repeatedly urged in conversation by members of this and the other branch of the legislature, to shake the incredulity, in a declaration of war, which at that time existed in some of our minds. Without placing any reliance on the reports of that day, this I assert, unequivocally, and without fear of contradiction, that such were the passions, which existed in the southern and western states, and such the avowed determination to war, that had not the cabinet come up to that

point, its influence, in those quarters, was at an end. Without their support, the re-election of the present chief magistrate was hopeless. Now, sir, when continuance of power is put into the scale, as, in this instance, it was unquestionably, it is not for human nature to deny that it had not a material influence in determining the balance. For myself, I have never had but one opinion on this matter, I have never doubted that we should not have had war declared at the last session, if the presidential election had not been depending.

Just so with respect to the invasion of Canada. It was, in my judgment, a test, required by the state of opinion in the southern and western states, of the sincerity of the cabinet; and of its heartiness in the prosecution of this, war. This accounts for the strange and headlong haste, and the want of sufficient preparation, with which the invasion was expedited. This accounts for the neglect to meet the proposition for an armistice, when made by the governor of Canada after a knowledge of the revocation of the orders in council. This accounts for the obtrusive attempts to. gain a footing in Canada, and the obstinate perseverance in the show of invasion, until the members of the electoral colleges had been definitively selected. Since which event, our armies have been quiet enough. When I see a direct dependence between the per-. petuation of power in any hand, and the adoption of, and the perseverance in any particular course of measures, I cannot refrain from believing that such a course has been suggested and regulated by so obvious and weighty an interest: This subject is capable of much greater elucidation. But, according to your suggestion, sir, I shall confine myself to trace the connexion of this master passion of the cabinet with the bill, now under consideration.

The projects of the cabinet, for the present year, are loans to the amount, at least, of twenty millions ; an army of fifty-five thousand men; a grand scheme

of pacification, founded on some legislative acts, or resolves; and a perpetuation of the war. The loans are expected to be filled, partly from the popularity, derived, in the commercial cities, by the vote for building seventy-fours; partly by opening offices for receiving subscriptions in the interior. Whatever is received will be diverted to the army service. The grand scheme of pacification will be made to appear very fair in terms, but, in the state of irritation, which has been produced in Great Britain by the continuance of the war after the repeal of the orders in council, and by the pertinacious perseverance in the threats and preparation to invade Canada, will, it is expected, be rejected by her. This, it is supposed, will give popularity to the war in this country. The forty dollars bounty, will, it is hoped, fill the ranks. The army, for the conquest of Canada, will be raised. To be commanded by whom? This is the critical question. The answer is in every man's mouth. By a member of the American cabinet; by one of the three; by one of that "trio," who at this moment, constitute in fact, and who efficiently have always constituted the whole cabinet. And the man, who is thus intended for the command of the greatest army, this new world ever contained; an army, nearly twice as great, as was, at any time, the regular army of our revolution; I say the man, who is intended for this great trust, is the individual, who is, notoriously, the selected candidate for the next presidency!"

Mr. Speaker, when I assert that the present secretary of state, who is now the acting secretary of war, is destined by a cabinet, of which he himself constitutes one third, for the command of this army, I know that I assert intentions to exist, which have not yet developed themselves by an official avowal. The truth is, the moment for an official avowal has not yet come. The cabinet must work along, by degrees, and only show their cards, as they play them. The army must first be authorized. The bill for the new major-gene

rals must be passed. Then, upon their plan, it will be found necessary to constitute a lieutenant-general. "And who so proper," the cabinet will exclaim, “as one of ourselves?" "And who so proper as one of the cabinet ?" all its retainers will respond, from one end of the continent to the other. I would, willingly, have postponed any animadversion upon this intention of the cabinet, until it should have been avowed. But, then, it would have been too late. Then, the fifty-five thousand men would have been authorized, and the necessity for a lieutenant-general inevitable. Sir, I know very well, that this public animadversion may possibly, stagger the cabinet in its purpose. They may not like to proceed in the design, after the public eye has been directed distinctly upon it. And the existence of it will be denied, and its partizans will assert that this suggestion was mere surmise. Be it so. It is, comparatively, of little importance, what happens to my person or character, provided this great evil can be averted from my country. I consider the raising such an army as this, and the putting it under the command of that individual, taking into view his connexion with the present cabinet, so ominous to the liberties of this country, that I am not anxious what hap pens to me, if by any constitutional responsibility, I can prevent it.

[Here Mr. Quincy proceeded to state the evidence, which had induced him to form the opinions relative to the intentions of the cabinet, which he had just advanced. He then continued.]

Mr. Speaker, what an astonishing and alarming state of things is this! Three men, who efficiently have had the command of this nation for many years, have so managed its concerns, as to reduce it from an unexampled height of prosperity to a state of great depression; not to say ruin. They have annihilated its commerce, and involved it in war. And now the result of the whole matter is, that they are about to raise an army of fifty-five thousand men, invest one of