It is acknowledged, that we may derive great advantages from France in our commerce; but it is said they should be secured by treaty, and we should not pay beforehand for them. If advantages are to be drawn by treaty from foreign nations, to enable the executive to procure them we must advance the impost beyond the revenue standard, or they will have nothing to give in exchange. Will gentlemen agree to involve France in this measure indiscriminately, when we have already a commercial treaty with her, which was concomitant with that treaty which gave us independence? Will they, under such proofs of friendliness, and while they are laboring under a revolution that must strengthen our connexion, show distrust of their justice, when the distinction now proposed may give them a knowledge of those advantages they may derive from our trade, and thereby make them more eager for a permanent contract? It will be always in our power, when we find ourselves deceived, to restore the equality with Great Britain. We are asked, what will become of our revenue under such an establishment? The answer is obvious from my former observations. If the consumption is reduced only by means of revenue, the revenue will increase; if it is lessened by competition, it will not be diminished, for the present rates will continue on all foreign goods, and we shall be better able to pay from the improvement of our foreign markets. But if there should be a diminution without lessening the power of the people to pay, what mischief will there be? Every body understands that the people pay the revenue, although it is collected by custom-house officers; and there is reason to believe, that the expense of collection is greater in that way than any other, as there is not only the apparent expense, but a secret compensation to the merchants for advancing it.

But we are told, that we are including countries, in the general description, which are our best customersSpain, Portugal, the Hanse Towns and Denmark. It

will be found, that they are little within the reach of the propositions, not being carriers and in a small degree manufacturers of the articles to be taxed. It will be in the power of the legislature to save them, in filling up the blanks; but this is not intended to shut out any nation, which chooses to trade with us on liberal terms, and if we are satisfied with our footing in their trade, there is no doubt but we can secure it by treaty: they will not complain of our taking away benefits, which they may resume at any time. We are told, that this business is merely commercial, and that we should not think of our political relations to Great Britain; but in my opinion, most of our grievances have commercial objects, and therefore are to be remedied by commercial resistance; if you take away what is contended for, contest must end. The Indian war and the Algerine attack, have both commercial views, or Great Britain must stand without excuse for instigating the most horrid cruelties. I consider, however, the propositions before you, as the strongest weapon America possesses, and the most likely to restore her to all her rights, political and commercial and I trust I have shown, that the means will have a beneficial effect, if they should fail as a remedy with respect to Great Britain.

SPEECH OF FISHER AMES,

ON

MR. MADISON'S RESOLUTIONS,

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 27, 1794.

In the committee of the whole, Mr. Ames spoke as follows:

MR. CHAIRMAN,

THE question lies within this compass: is there any measure proper to be adopted by Congress, which will have the effect to put our trade and navigation on a better footing? If there is, it is our undoubted right to adopt it, (if by right is understood the power of self-government, which every independent nation possesses,) and our own as completely as any other; it is our duty also, for we are the depositaries and the guardians of the interests of our constituents, which, on every consideration, ought to be dear to us. I make no doubt they are so, and that there is a disposition sufficiently ardent existing in this body, to cooperate in any measures for the advancement of the common good. Indeed, so far as I can judge from any knowledge I have of human nature, or of the prevailing spirit of public transactions, that sort of patriotism, which makes us wish the general prosperity, when our private interest does not happen to stand in the way, is no uncommon sentiment. In truth, it is very like self-love, and not much less prevalent. There is little occasion to excite and inflame it. It is, like self-love, more apt to want intelligence than zeal.

The danger is always, that it will rush blindly into embarrassments, which a prudent spirit of inquiry might have prevented, but from which it will scarcely find means to extricate us. While therefore the right, the duty, and the inclination to advance the trade and navigation of the United States, are acknowledged and felt by us all, the choice of the proper means to that end is a matter requiring the most circumspect inquiry, and the most dispassionate judgment.

After a debate has continued a long time, the subject very frequently becomes tiresome before it is exhausted. Arguments, however solid, urged by different speakers, can scarcely fail to render the discussion both complex and diffusive. Without pretending to give to my arguments any other merit, I shall aim at simplicity.

We hear it declared, that the design of the resolutions, is to place our trade and navigation on a better footing. By better footing, we are to understand a more profitable one. Profit is a plain word, that cannot be misunderstood.

We have, to speak in round numbers, twenty million dollars of exports annually. To have the trade of exports on a good footing, means nothing more than to sell them dear; and consequently, the trade of import on a good footing, is to buy cheap. To put them both on a better footing, is to sell dearer and to buy cheaper than we do at present. If the effect of the resolutions will be, to cause our exports to be sold cheaper, and our imports to be bought dearer, our trade will suffer an injury.

It is hard to compute how great the injury would prove; for the first loss of value in the buying dear, and selling cheap, is only the symptom and beginning of the evil, but by no means the measure of it; it will withdraw a great part of the nourishment, that now supplies the wonderful growth of our industry and opulence. The difference may not amount to a great proportion of the price of the articles, but it may reach

the greater part of the profit of the producer; it may have effects in this way which will be of the worst kind, by discouraging the products of our land and industry. It is to this test I propose to bring the resolutions on the table; and if it shall clearly appear, that they tend to cause our exports to be sold cheaper, and our imports to be bought dearer, they cannot escape condemnation. Whatever specious show of advantage may be given them, they deserve to be called aggravations of any real or supposed evils in our commercial system, and not remedies.

I have framed this statement of the question so as to comprehend the whole subject of debate, and at the same time, I confess it was my design to exclude from consideration a number of topics, which appear to me totally irrelative to it.

The best answer to many assertions we have heard is, to admit them without proof. We are exhorted to assert our natural rights; to put trade on a respectable footing; to dictate terms of trade to other nations; to engage in a contest of self-denial, and by that, and by shifting our commerce from one country to another, to make our enemies feel the extent of our power. This language, as it respects the proper subject of discussion, means nothing, or what is worse. If our trade is already on a profitable footing, it is on a respectable one. Unless war be our object, it is useless to inquire, what are the dispositions of any government, with whose subjects our merchants deal to the best advantage. While they will smoke our tobacco, and eat our provisions, it is very immaterial, both to the consumer and the producer, what are the politics of the two countries, excepting so far as their quarrels may disturb the benefits of their mutual intercourse.

So far, therefore, as commerce is concerned, the inquiry is, have we a good market?

The good or bad state of our actual market is the question. The actual market is every where more or Jess a restricted one, and the natural order of things is