fit him for the discharge of his duty. His dí ligence was also employed in preparatory public speaking. He frequented the Robinhood society, to which many men of parts and information then resorted. He practised there the replies and contentions of eloquence; neglecting no means which he could devise for filling his mind, or facilitating his powers of communication. There was at that'time in the society a baker of very considerable argumentative powers: with him Burke contended; and, by his own confession, derived very great advantage from the contest, in readiness of rea soning and expression. He bestowed great pains on the composition of his writings and speeches. Those intended for the public he, notwithstanding his copiousness of thought, imagery, sentiment, and fluency of appropriate language, revised, and sometimes rewrote. While he was devoting his mind to the intellectual part of 'eloquence, he did not neglect the mechanical. He paid considerable attention to the management of his voice and action, and to the whole of elocution: aware, that though delivery does not constitute eloquence, it, with many hearers, increases its effects. He often attended at the theatre, and acknowledged that he derived very great improvement in the art of speaking from Mr. Garrick. His manner, however, was less graceful and dignified than interesting, impressive,

and persuasive. He procured his seat in 1765. His first speech was at the opening of the ensu ing session, and on the usual motion for an address. The principal subject was the stamp. act, and the consequent disturbances in America. His maiden speech afforded such a display of eloquence as excited the admiration of the house, and drew very high praise from its most distinguished member, Mr. Pitt.

The principal object which engaged the attention of the Rockingham Administration was America. The sentiments of opposite parties rendered their situation extremely delicate and difficult. On the one hand, the Grenville party, the devisers of taxation, and the framers of the stamp-act, insisted on coercive measures; on the other, Mr. Pitt and his adherents, on a disavowal of the right of taxing America. Lord Rockingham consulted with Burke, whose advice was, "to chuse a middle course between the opposite extremes: neither to precipitate affairs with the colonists, by rash counsels; nor to sacrifice the dignity of the crown and nation, by irresolution or weakness,' A plan was formed consonant to this opinion. To gratify the Americans, the stamp-act was repealed to vindicate the honour of Britain, a law was passed declaring her right to legislate for America in taxation and every other case; and censuring the violence of the colonial opposition.

4

An attempt to satisfy two parties of totally contrary views, by not deciding the point at issue, is rarely either the offspring of wisdoin, or the parent of success. Such temporizing indecision generally dissatisfies both parties, and keeps the differencès alive. The stamp act had been opposed in America, not as inexpedient, but as unjust. They had not pretended they could not pay the impost, but that the imposers had no right to tax. Either the stamp-act was a grievance, or was not: if a grievance, the redress did not apply to the subject of complaint; if not a grievance, why offer redress? If the objections of the colonies were groundless, it would have been just in Parliament to disregard them and wise or unwise, according to the value of the object, means of coercion, and probable result. If the right was ascertained, and we thought coercion prudent, the repeal would be absurd; if not, the declaration of right would be a mere impotent bravado. If the complaints of America were well grounded, then it would have been just and wise to renounce the exercise of an unjust power. Here was the maintenance of an obnoxious speculative principle, with the abandonment of practical benefit, for which only it could deserve sup port. The declaratory law tended to counteract, in America, the effect of the repeal. The measures of the Rockingham Administration

were esteemed the result of good intentions, but of feeble and short-sighted policy.

These measures, recommended and supported by Burke, I cannot, consistently with impartiality, praise, as manifestations of either great. political wisdom or vigour. His plan, at this his outset, was founded more upon metaphysical distinctions and barren generalities, than afterwards, when his great powers were, by experience, matured in the contemplation of affairs. I must confess, I think that his sequestered exertions, as a man of genius, literaturè, and philosophy, could have produced much greater benefit to society, in the same period, than his political efforts during the Rockingham Admi, nistration.

The repeal of the stamp-act, and the declaratory law, were proposed and passed.

The Rockingham Ministry, though supported by the extraordinary genius and acquirements of Burke, were deficient in political experience and vigour; qualities much more efficacious in the conduct of affairs, than, without them, the highest intellectual superiority. It must, however, be allowed, that they proposed several good laws. These Burke supported with all. the powers of his eloquence. The cider act was repealed: so that the jurisdiction of the excise was contracted. Resolutions were passed against general warrants, and the seizure of papers. Şeveral regulations were made, favourable to

commerce. Still, however, the Ministers were deemed unqualified for conducting the business of Government. Their dismission from office was accelerated by the Chancellor Northington. They were endeavouring to form a constitution for the recently conquered province of Canada. Burke sketched a plan for this purpose. Being shewn to the Chancellor, he condemned it in the most explicit terms. Going to the King, he represented the Ministers as totally inexperienced in business, and unfit for office. His Majesty commissioned Northington to consult Mr. Pitt on the formation of another ministry. To that illustrious man the appointment was principally left. Mr, Pitt would not admit any advice from his former friends and associates, or share in the arrangements of the cabinet; but combined them according to the dictates of his own will. Lord Temple, in particular, charged him with having acted the part of an imperious dictator, and refused the office of First Lord of the Treasury. The Administration which Pitt constituted, was made up of most heterogeneous materials. From its members, he was said, by his opponents, to expect and require very im. plicit submission to his mandates. He himself, now created Lord Chatham, took the Privy Seal. The Duke of Grafton was made First Lord of the Treasury, and Charles Townshend Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Burke wrote a defence of the Rockingham