letter is a fresh instance of his wonderful pow.

ers.

In examining the merits of the habeas corpus suspension, from the measure he went to its proposers, and took a wide view of the whole of their conduct on American affairs. After detailing the various proceedings of Government, their injustice, inexpediency, and hurtful effects, he rises to a generalization of the principles to which they have been owing; and the consequences, not to the colonies only but to the spirit of our legislation,-to law, to manners, and to morals.

In this, as in all his works, he shews his aversion to the application of unqualified metaphysical principles to affairs. Experience, and not abstraction', according to Burke, ought to be the guide in practice and in conduct. Go. vernment, he conceived, ought to be accommodated to the known opinions and sentiments of the people: if, under the same empre, provinces, or classses of men of very different notions should be placed, that their polity ought to be diversified accordingly. • Instead," he says, "of troubling our understandings with speculations concerning the unity of empire, and the identity or distinction of legis ative powers, it was our duty, in all soberness, to conform our government to the character and circumstances of the several people who composed the mighty and strangely diver

sified mass. I never was wild enough to conceive, that one method would serve for the whole; that the natives of Hindostan and those of Virginia could be ordered in the same inanner; or that the Cutchery court and the grand jury of Salem could be regulated on a similar plan. I was persuaded that government was a practical thing, made for the happiness of mankind; and not to furnish out a spectacle of uniformity, to gratify the schemes of visionary politicians."

In speaking of the tendency of ministerial counsels to arbitrary power, he attacks Hume as too friendly to unlimited monarchy. He quotes an observation from his essays in support of this assertion-" Mr. Hume," he says, "will not be singular in telling us, that the fe licity of mankind is no more disturbed by it (absolute power) than by earthquakes or thunder, or the other more unusual accidents of nature."

Burke, as I have said, was prejudiced against Hume. That Hume was friendly to despotism, is an opinion more consistent with a cursory reading of his works than an accurate perusal. Where our great historian is favourable to the house of Stuart, he appears rather to palliate than justify the conduct of its princes. He contends, that it was natural for them to endeavour to retain the powers which their immediate pre'decessors had enjoyed, not that it was just; al

though, from the coolness of his temper, and the profoundness of his understanding, he disapproved of the religious fanaticism of the Puri. tans, he acknowledges that, as friends to liberty, they rendered their country important services. He even commends their exertions, as far as they tended to the restriction of unlimited power, and to the establishment of such a constitution as we now possess. He attacks their political efforts only when they tend to the subversion of the monarchy. Their theological absurdities he certainly ridicules, as he also does the high church bigotry. He exposes the superstitious mummeries of Laud, as well as the enthusiastic phrenzy of James Naylor or Praise. God-Barebone. He justifies resistance in cases of great oppression. He approves of Hambden. His philosophical mildness added to his wisdom in reprobating turbulence; but he as se verely condemns oppression, and stigmatises. those parliaments which were the tools of despotism. His expanded mind is not particu larly anxious to make England appear to have possessed a great share of liberty at very early periods at the same time he allows, during the Saxon reigns, there was a considerable portion. He does not deem precedent necessary to esta blish our rights to freedom. The existence of a House of Commons previous to the time of Edward I. was not the antecedent from which such a logician as Hume educed the consequent,

that the people ought, by themselves or their delegates, to have a share in the legislature.According to this philosophical observer and surveyor of the progress of man, rational liberty grew and increased with knowledge and wisdom. If Burke had not been incensed against Hume, it is probable he would have considered the general scope, rather than particular passages of his writings.

In speaking of that effects the civil war would produce on the manners of the people, he draws the following glowing picture - Civil wars strike deepest of all into the manners of a people. They vitiate their politics, they corrupt their morals, they pervert even the natural taste and relish of equity and justice. By teaching us to consider our fellow-citizens in an hostile light, the whole body of our nation becomes gradually less dear to us: the very names of affection and kindred, which were the bond of charity whilst we agreed, become new incentives to hatred and rage, when the communion of our country is dissolved. We may flatter ourselves that we shall not fall into this misfortune, but we have no charter of exemption, that I know of, from the ordinary frailties of our na ture."

The Earl of Abingdon wrote a pamphlet of considerable ability and merit, in reply to Burke's letter, at least to that part of it which apologized for his secession from parliament. There was also another respondent. The very

celebrated letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, one of the ablest performances of Edmund Burke, was answered by Edward Topham, Esq!

Johnson disapproved very much of this letter of Burke; he particularly ridiculed his definition of liberty. "That (said Burke) is freedom to every practical purpose, which the people think so." Johnson said, "I will let the King of France govern me on those condi. tions, for it is to be governed just as I please." Whatever it may to a Tory, the definition will not appear ridiculous to a Whig, nor indeed to an impartial neutralist. Liberty is one of the means of happiness. Happiness depends very much on opinion. The belief, that I enjoy that means of happiness, has to me, as long as it lasts, the same effect as the reality? the more the mind advances in knowledge the more will be lief follow reality; but it is the opinion, not its justness, that constitutes the enjoyment.

Burke does not differ more from his political opponent, Johnson, than from his coadjutor, Price. If the disapproves of arbitrary bigotry on the one hand, he scouts metaphysical refinements of republicanism on the other. There are (he says) people who have split and ana tomized the doctrine of free government, as if it were an abstract question concerning metaphysical liberty and necessity, and not a matter of moral prudence and natural feeling. SPECULATIONS ARE LET LOOSE, as destructive TO