every consideration adduced to shew its impolicy.

An address was voted to his Majesty, declar. ing America to be in a state of rebellion. It was followed by several resolutions, declaratory of a determination to coerce. Burke made a

stand at every post, with his able phalanx; but was overpowered by numbers. The petitions. of the various bodies of merchants were referred to a committee, which Burke called a committee of oblivion. A petition was presented by the American agents, the chief of whom was the great Franklin, from the American Congress to the King, and referred by his Majesty to the House. Franklin and his brother agents requested to be heard in support of the petition. Burke exerted his eloquence to procure them a hearing, but in vain.

While the Ministry were pursuing every measure that could tend to alienate the colonies, they professed to wish for conciliation. Lord North moved, that when any of the colonies should offer, according to their abilities, to raise, under the authority of its assembly, the due proportion for the common defence, and for the support of civil government, parliament should forbear taxing that province. The object of this proposition was evidently to detach some of the provinces from the combination:it was a half measure, an attempt to compromise the difference, when it was plain, from the

very beginning, that there was no medium between coercion and abandonment. If the Ministry were before right, they conceded by far too much; if wrong, too little. This fluctuation of counsels, this mixture of soothing and irritating measures, had uniformly marked the administration of Lord North, and as uniformly been unsuccessful. Burke's comprehensive wisdom objected to the present resolution as insufficient, and his sagacity foresaw that it would be ineffectual. The event justified his predictions: the Congress rejected the proposition as only a proffered suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the right, of levying taxes.

That venerable statesman, who, in the vigour of his age, had carried the glory of his country to a height unknown in the annals of British history, now, in the decline of life, and oppressed with distemper, made an effort to prevent a war between the parent state and her colonies. The piercing eye of Chatham saw the danger, with all the probable circumstances which would accompany it, and the consequences that would follow in dissensions with America he perceived the seeds of foreign war. "France and Spain," he said, "are watching your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors."— To ward off such evils, the wise patriot proposed to cut up the root from which they were likely to spring, and to conciliate America, by placing her on exactly the same footing on

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which she had stood before the introduction of the new system.

He supported his motion by a force of reasoning and eloquence not unworthy of the days of his own greatest energy. His attempt was unavailing his motion was rejected by a great majority.

Burke was, meanwhile, employed in making the most minute and extensive inquiries into the physical and moral state of America, from all those who, from situation and ability, were qualified to give him the most complete information and justest views. He had been some years before appointed agent for New York, and maintained a close intercourse with many of the colonis s, and also with the American agents in London, especially with Dr Franklin. From all that he could learn or judge, he formed the conclusion, that an attempt to subjugate the colonies would be impracticable: conciliation, therefore, he still persisted to recommend.

March 22, 1775, he laid before the House thirteen resolutions for reconcilement. Waying the discussion of right, he confined himself to expediency. He proceeded upon a principle admitted by the wisest legislators, that government must be adapted to the nature and situation of the people or whose benefit it is exercised. Instead of recurring to abstract ideas of the rights of man, he considered the circum

stances, modes of thinking, dispositions, and principles of action of those men in particular, the treatment of whom was the subject of de. liberation.

He proposed that the Americans should tax themselves by their own representatives, in their own assemblies, agreeably to the former usage, and to the analogy of the British constitution; and that all acts imposing duties should be repealed. Peace," he observes, "implies reconciliation; and where there has been a mutual dispute, reconciliation always implies concession on some side." He considers first whether Britain ought to concede; and after establishing, by the strongest arguments, the wisdom of concession, he next proceeds to inquire what concession she ought to make. On the first question, guided by the rule of legislative policy that I have above stated, he takes one of those wide ranges in which his expansive understanding so much excelled. As, in the speech on American taxation, he had presented a complete history of the policy of this country respecting the colonies; in this he considers the internal state of America, physical, moral, reli. gious, and political. His reasoning for conciliation, even at the expence of concession, is taken from two great sources, the advantages which had accrued, and would continue to accrue, to this country from their rapidly increasing prosperity, if we were on amicable terms:

and, from their power of resistance, if we should attempt force, he surveys the population of the colonies, their agriculture, and com

merce.

Here he shews the amazing versatility of his powers, and the industry with which he mastered the most minute and intricate details. To display the great increase of the commerce of America, he gave a comparative statement of the export trade to the colonies in 1704 and in 1772; and a comparative statement of the export trade to the colonies in 1772, and to the whole world in 1704: demonstrating, from acknowledged vouchers, that the trade to America in 1772 amounted to 6,024,171 l. and in 1704 to 569,930 l. and consequently had risen in the proportion of eleven to one. He also shews that the trade to the colonies in 1772 was in the proportion of twelve to thirteen of the trade to the whole world in 1704, which was 6,509,000l. This detail he applies to prove the vast commercial importance of the colonies to Britain.

The increase was so rapid, that sagacity would not have anticipated it as probable, in the usual course of events." It happened within sixty-eighty years, within the period of the life of man; in the remembrance of men still alive, and who in 1704 were of sufficient age to be acqainted with the commerce of their country." These could hardly have believed it possible, that in their life time the trade of Britain with