By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; their advance is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is a clear tax to Britain.

In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the importation and consumption of British superfluities, (as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centres finally among the merchants and inhabitants of Britain; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown. These kind of secondary taxes, however we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them: but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which, perhaps, we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishment; who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes, in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of their mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to be given them as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery. These and such kind of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and councils so appointed, not having any representative body of the people to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become suspected and odious dangerous animosities and feuds will årise between the governors and governed, and every thing go into confusion.

Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but having freely given my opinion and reasons, your excellency can judge better than I whether there be any weight in them; and the shortness of the time allowed me, will, I hope, in some degree, excuse the imperfections of this scrawl.

With the geatest respect and fidelity, I have the honor to be, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN."

These letters might be transmitted to, and might dispose the ministry to decline urging their plan of uniting and governing the colonies; but Mr. Shirley wrote to governor Wentworth, of New-Hampshire, May 31, 1755-" I may assure your excellency, from every letter I have of late received from Sir Thomas

Robinson,

Robinson, I have reason to think that his majesty hath a depend ance upon a common fund's being raised in all his colonies upon this continent, in proportion to their respective abilities, for defraying all articles of expence entered into for their common defence; and that such an one must in the end, be either voluntarily raised, or else assessed in some way or other." The mi nistry discovered a disposition to raise a revenue in them, which induced the Massachusetts general court [Nov. 6.] thus to in struct their agent; "It is more especially expected, that you oppose every thing that shall have the remotest tendency to raise a revenue in the plantations, for any public uses or services of government;" he wrote to them the twenty-ninth of May following, "The inclinations I have reason to think still contitinue for raising a revenue out of the molasses trade." The alarming state of public affairs might divert the ministry from pursuing their inclinations.

It had been concluded to take effectual measures for driving the French from the Ohio; and for the reduction of Niagara, Crown-Point, and their forts in Nova-Scotia. General Brad dock was accordingly sent from Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments of foot; and when arrived, and joined by the rest of the forces destined for that service, found himself at the head of about 2200 men. He had bravery, but wanted other qualifications to render him fit for the service to which he was appointed. His severity prevented his having the love of the regulars; his haughtiness, the love of the Americans; and, what was worse, disgusted the Indians, and led him to despise the country militia, and to slight the advice of the Virginia officers. Colonel Wash *ington earnestly begged of him, when the army was marching for "fort Du Quesne, to admit of his going before, and scouring the woods with his rangers, which was contemptuously refused. The general had been cautioned by the duke of Cumberland, to guard against a surprise; and yet he pushed on heedlessly with the first division, consisting of 1400 men [July 9, 1755.] till he fell into "an ambuscade of 400, chiefly Indians, by whom he was defeated and mortally wounded, on the ninth of July. The regulars were put into the greatest panic, and fled in the utmost confusion; the militia had been used to Indian fighting, and were not so terrified. The general had disdainfully turned them into the rear: they continued in a body, unbroken, and served under colonel Washington as a most useful rear-guard; covered the retreat of the regulars, aud prevented their being entirely cut off.

Previous to this, and agreeable to the views of the British ministry, the Massachusetts assembly, who had never been remiss upon the prospect of a French war, raised a body of troops, which

were

were sent to Nova-Scotia, to assist lieutenant governor Lawrence in driving the French from their several encroachments within that province. The secrecy and dispatch used in this service, was rewarded with success.

The expedition against Niagara was entrusted with governor Shirley; but failed through various causes.

Sir William (then colonel) Johnson, was appointed to go against Crown-Point. The delays, slowness, and deficiency of preparations, prevented the several colonies joining their troops till about August. Meanwhile the active enemy had transported forces from France to Canada, marched them down to meet the provincials, and attacked them; but, meeting with a repulse, lost six hundred men, besids having their general, baron Dieskau, wounded and made prisoner.

The Massachusetts the next year, raised a great armament to go to Crown-Point; but lord Loudon, on his arrival, did not think it proper that the forces should proceed. Afterward a temporary misunderstanding took place between his lordship and the general court; from his apprehending that they thought a provincial law necessary to enforce a British act of parliament, and were willing to dispute upon that subject. He determined to have no dispute, but that the troops under his command should be quartered agreeable to what he thought the public good required; and wrote to governor Pownall [Nov. 15, 1757.] "I have ordered the messenger to wait but 48 hours in Boston; and if, on his return, I find things not settled, I will instantly order into Boston the three battalions from New-York, Long-Island, and Connecticut; and if more are wanted, I have two in the Jerseys at hand, beside three in Pennsylvania." Notwithstanding this declaration, on December the sixth, the legislature passed an act which led him to conceive that he was under an absolute necessity of settling the point at once, and therefore he ordered the troops to march. The general court finding how matters were going, did not venture upon extremities, but became pliable; so that his lordship wrote, December 26, "As I can now depend upon the assembly's making the point of quarters easy in all time coming, I have countermanded the march of the troops.' The general court were certainly terrified; and to remove all unfavorable impressions, said, in the close of the address to the governor [Jan. 6, 1758.] "The authority of all acts of parliament which concern the colonies, and extend to them, is ever acknowledged in all the courts of law, and made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province. There is not a member of the general court, and we know no inhabitant within the bounds of the government, that ever questioned this authority. To pre

vent any ill consequences that may arise from an opinion of our holding such principles, we now utterly disavow them, as we should readily have done at any time past, if there had been occasion for it; and we pray that his lordship may be acquainted therewith, that we may appear in a true light, and that no impressions may remain to our disadvantage." However they might not question, whether the authority of acts of parliament, concerning and extending to the colonies, was made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province; yet you are not to infer from their disavowal of the contrary principle, that they admitted the right of parliament, either to impose internal taxes, or to controul their colonial government.

When, happily for the British nation, the great Mr. Pitt was placed at the head of the ministry, the face of affairs was soon changed; the war was prosecuted with unexampled success, and the enemy at length driven out of America. But the frequent delays given to the raising of the necessary supplies, especially in proprietary governments, through the refusal of their governors or councils, to admit that the estates of the proprietors should be taxed, led Mr. Pitt to tell Mr. Franklin, that when the war closed, was he in the ministry, he should take measures to prevent its being in the power of the colonies to hinder government's receiving the supplies that were wanted; and he added, that, was he not in the ministry, he would advise his successors to do it. What these measures were he did not mention. But toward the close of 1759, or the beginning of 1760, Mr. Pitt wrote to Francis Fauquier, esq. lieutenant governor of Virginia, and mentioned in his letter, that though they had made grants to the colonies, yet, when the war was over, they should tax them, in order to raise a revenue from them. Mr. Fauquier, in his answer, expressed his apprehension that the measure would occasion great disturbance. The answer might divert Mr. Pitt from his intention. Many months before, the present lord Camden (then Mr. Pratt) said to Mr. Franklin, in a course of free conversation, "For all what you Americans say of your loyalty, I know you will one day throw off your dependance upon this country; and notwithstanding your boasted affection to it, will set up for independence." The other answered, "No such idea is entertained in the mind of the Americans; and no such idea will ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them." "Very true (replied Mr. Pratt) that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and will produce the event."

The colonies in general, and the Massachusetts in particular, Icomplied with the requisitions of the minister, and shewed themselves ready to support his plans for the reduction of the French VOL. I.

N

power.

power. To assist and encourage their extraordinary exertions, the parliament granted them during the war, at different periods, no less than £.1,031,666 13s. 4d. But though the large importation of specie annually, did not answer one half of their expences, it was still of such benefit to each government, that they cheerfully seconded the views of ministry. Upon application from admiral Saunders, the squadron employed against Louisburg and Quebec, was supplied by 500 scamén from the Massachusetts; beside, many were at several times impressed out of vessels on the fishing banks. The colonies lost by the war 25,000 of their robust young men, exclusive of sailors. The Massachusetts continually raised the full number of troops assigned them; nor was it to be ascribed to the peculiar address of Mr. Pownall, who guided them with a silken cord, and by praising them plentifully, and flattering their vanity, did business with them in an easy manner; for it was the same after he was succeded by governor Bernard. [August 13, 1760.] Beside their annual quota of men, in some years of the war they garrisoned Louisburg and Nova-Scotia, which gave the regular forces -opportunity for retaining Canada. The whole cost they were at upon these accounts, and for scouting companies sent into the Indian country, and for two armed vessels built and maintained for the protection of the trade, amounted to £.754,598 10s. 104d. sterling. In this sum, the expence of many forts and garrisons on the frontiers is not included. Add, that no estimate can be made of the cost to individuals, by the demand of personal service. They that could not serve in person, who were much the greater number, when it came to their turn, were obliged to hire substitutes at a great premium. They also who could not be impressed, to lighten the burdens of others, advanced largely for encouraging the levics. Moreover, the taxes were exceeding heavy. A Boston gentleman, of reputation and fortune, sent one of his rate bills to a correspondent in London, for his judgment on it; and had for answer, "That he did not believe there was a man in all England who paid so much in proportion toward the support of government." Such was the assessment of the town in one of the years, that if a man's income was £.co per annum, he had to pay two-thirds or £.40 and in that proportion whether the sum was more or less; and if his house or land was valued at £.200 per annum, he was obliged to pay £.72 He had also to pay for his poll, and those of all the males in his house, more than sixteen years old, at the rate of 14s. 3d. each: and to all must be added, the part he paid of the excise on tea, coffee, rum, and wine. Other towns and colonies might not Dr. Chauncey's thanksgiving sermon for the repeal of the ftamp act in a note