casion. I did, indeed, express myself strongly in favor of civil and religious liberty, as I hope I shall ever continue to do; and spoke of the stamp act as a great grievance, like to prove detrimental, in a high degree, both to the colonies and the mother country, and I have heard your honor speak to the same purpose. But as my text led me to do, I cautioned my hearers very particularly against the abuses of liberty, and expressed my hopes, that no persons among ourselves had encouraged the bringing of such a burden on their country, notwithstanding it had been strongly suspected. In truth, Sir, I had rather lose my hand than be an encourager of such outrages as were committed last night. I do not think my regard to truth was ever called into question by those that knew me; and therefore hope your honor will be so just as to give entire credit to these soJemn declarations."

This same day the superior court began its term. The chief justice, Mr. Hutchinson, attended in his only suit, and necessarily without those ensigns of office so wisely calculated to procure regard to authority; while the other gentlemen of the bench and bar, appeared in their respective robes. The court refused to do any business, and adjourned to the fifteenth of October, to show their resentment of the insult offered to the lieutenant governor, as well as their sense of the anarchy to which the government was reduced. Half a dozen of the dregs of the people, who, being taken up, refused to discover the ringleaders, were committed. Three broke jail and fled, against one of whom a bill was found; against the other three in custody none was found; for it was not thought safe to prosecute. The temper of the public would not admit of it, without hazarding further disturbances; and for that reason, one who was capitally charged with being a principal in the riot, and secured, was finally dismissed by the justices.

Various causes might contribute toward the outrageous attack upon the house and property of Mr. Hutchinson. As long back as 1748, the currency having depreciated to about an eighth of its original value, he, being then speaker of the house, projected and carried through a bill for abolishing it, and substituting gold and silver in its place, which made him extremely obnoxious to several who had lived by fraud, and were much dissatisfied with the alteration. They then threatened him with destruction; and retaining their rancour, are supposed to have been aiders and abettors, if not actors in the riot. A certain gentleman of great integrity, and who fills a place in the judicial department with much credit, and to the satisfaction of the public, has expressed a strong apprehension that the mob was led on to the house by

a secret

a secret influence, with a view to the destruction of certain papers, know to be there, and which, it is thought, would have proved, that the grant to the New-Plymouth compay on Kennebec river, was different from what was contended for by some claimants. The papers were never found afterward.--But Mr. Hutchinson had certainly disgusted the people exceedingly, by promoting the superior court's granting writs of assistance; and by showing himself so strenuous in supporting government, when become odious, by the measures adopted for obliging the colonies to pay taxes in compliance with British acts of parliament.-He was also strongly suspected of having forwarded the stamp act, by letters written upon the occasion. These circumstances, co-operating with the general disposition in the people to tumult, produced by a prevailing persuasion, that they were deprived of the liberties of Englishmen, will account for the excessive outrages against him in particular. But their enormity was alarming. No one knew who might be the next sacrafice. The town of Boston, therefore, beside condemning them the next day, unanimously voted, "That the select men and magistrates be desired to use their utmost endeavours to suppress the like disorders for the future" and for some time, the magistrates and private gentlemen, the cadet and other companies, kept watch at night to prevent further violences.

În justice to Mr. Hutchinson, it must be observed, that from his letters to Messrs. Bollan, Jackson, and others, it appears, that he then considered parliament's taxing the colonies as inconsistent with the rights of the colonists, and as a mere act of power, without regard to equity. He was at the trouble of writing a pamphlet in 1764, cantaining A brief state of the claim of the colonies, and the interests of the nation with respect to them. This, when he had disguised it so as that it might not be suspected to come from America, he sent to Mr. Jackson the agent, who was either to suppress or publish it; and he afterward expressed a surprise at his not having done the latter. The following are extracts from it.

"The right to new acquired countries, according to the constitution of England, two hundred years ago, was allowed to be in the crown. The crown from time to time disposed of these countries not only to their own subjects, but to foreign princes: particulary Acadia and Nova-Scotia, when begun to be settled by British subjects, were ceded to France, although France had no better claim to them than New-England: and Surinam was sold to, or exchanged with the Dutch." He might have adduced in proof of James I. being of opinion, that he had a personal right to alienate at pleasure new acquired territory, his

granting

granting, in September 1621, Nova-Scotia, which he could not inherit but as king of England, to Sir William Alexander, of Menstry, afterward Lord Stirling, under the seal of Scotland; and his erecting it into a palatinate, to be holden as a fief of the crown of Scotland. Under the same seal, and in the same words, the grant was confirmed by Charles I. in June 1625. The legality of these grants appear not to have been questioned at the time, which indicates that the prevailing opinion of the English corresponded then with that of their sovereigns.

Mr. Hutchinson goes on to mention, “American lands in their natural state are of no value; there is not any colony which has not cost more to render it capable of rendering profit than it is

now worth."

"In the trading towns, in some of the colonies the last war, one fourth part of the profit of the trade was annually paid to the support of the war, and other public charges. In the country towns, a farm which would not rent for twenty pounds a year, paid ten pounds taxes. Was it from parental affection to the colonists, and to save them from French vassalage, that Great-Britain was at such expence; or was it from fear of losing the advantageous trade she had carried on with her colonies ?"

"When there is peace in Europe, what occasion is there for any national expence in America?"

"It cannot be good policy to tax the Americans; it will prove prejudicial to the national interests. The advantages proposed by the increase of the revenue, are fallacious and delusive. You will lose more than you will gain. Britain reaps the profit of all their trade, and the increase of all their substance."

"Your commerce with the colonies will be enough for you, should you have no commerce elsewhere, if you encourage, the colonics to increase the consumption of your manufactures for fifty years to come, as they have done for fifty years past; and with no more than reasonable encouragement they will infallibly do it, and in much greater proportion."

Though the disturbances began in Boston, yet they were not confined to the Massachusetts. They broke out in the other colonies; and so near to the same time, as to excite suspicions that it was not wholly the effect of accident, but partly of a pre-concerted design. Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations shewed themselves among the foremost in their opposition to the stamp act.

[Aug. 24.] A gazette extraordinary was published at Provi dence, with Fox populi, Vox Dei, in large letters for the frontispiece; and underneath, Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. The publication had a tendency to prepare the people

for

for action. Effigies were also exhibited; and in the evening cut down and burnt by the populace.

[27.] About nine in the morning, the people of Newport, in Rhode-Island, brought forth three effigies, meant for Messrs. Howard, Moffat, and Johnson, in a cart, with halters about their necks, to a gallows near the town-house, where they were hung; after a while cut down, and burnt amid the acclamations of thousands.

[28.] By the next day there was time enough to hear of what had been done at Boston. The people collected, or rather were mustered afresh, and beset the house of Mr. Martin Howard, jun. a lawyer of reputation, and a writer in defence of the parliament's right to tax the colonies. They destroyed every thing, and left only a shell. They passed on to Dr. Thomas Moffat's, a physician, one who had warmly supported in conversation the same right, and behaved in like manner. They intended doing it to Mr. Augustus Johnson, but desisted upon persuasion; and on his coming to town, and giving it under his hand that he would not accept the office of distributor of the stamps, unless the public were satisfied, they became quiet. Messrs. Howard and Moffat hastened on board a ship of war for personal protection.

The commotions in Connecticut were not equally violent; but Mr. Ingersoll was the subject of exhibition in several places. [Aug. 22.] They had their pageantry at Norwich, which they committed to the flames when the day closed.

[26.] They had the same at Lebanon; but before they exccuted and burnt, they had a parade of a mock trial.

[27.] The next day there was a repetition of the like, excepting the trial. At length the resentment against the stamp distributor became so general and alarming, that he resigned his office.

A like resignation takes place in New-York, some time in August. It becomes a necessary point of prudence from the spiria which the citizens discover. The stamp act is treated with the most indignant contempt, by being printed and cried about the streets, under the title of, The folly of ENGLAND and ruin of AMERICA. Toward the end of October the stamp papers arrive; and Mr. M'Evers having resigned, lieutenant governor Colden takes them into Fort George. Some extraordinary preparations for securing them, having displeased the inhabitants, joined to the dislike they have entertained to Colden's political sentiments, Nov. 1.] and its being the day for the stamp act to take place, numbers are induced to assemble in the evening. They proceed to the fort walls; break open his stable; take out his coach; and,

and, after carrying it through the principal streets of the city in triumph, march to the common, where a gallows is erected; on one end of which they suspend his effigy, having in his right hand a stamped bill of lading, and in the other, a figure for the devil. After hanging a considerable time, they carry the whole, with the gallows entire, the coach preceding, in procession to the gate of the fort; from whence it is removed to the bowling-green, under the muzzles of the guns, where a bonfire is immediately made, and all, coach included, are consumed amid the exultations of some thousands of spectators. They go from hence to major James's house, before known by the name of Vaux-Hall, which is genteelly furnished, contains a valuable library, and many curiosities, and has a handsome garden belonging to it. They strip it of every article, make another bonfire, and consume the whole, beside destroying the garden; and all because of his being a friend to the stamp act.

[Nov. 2.] The next morning a paper is privately drawn up, and given to a man to read from the balcony of the coffee-house, to and about which the citizens are used to frequent; it sets forth the necessity of being peaceable, and calls upon the inhabitants to turn out with their arms upon any alarm, and quell all riotous proceedings. The effect it appears to have upon being heard, is frustrated by captain Isaac Sears, who formerly commanded a privateer, and is bitterly set against the stamp act. Having been secretly informed in the morning what is to be done, he is present, and tells the populace who collect about him, "The intention of the proposal that has been read, is to prevent our having the stamp papers;" and adds, "but we will have them within four and twenty hours." He then flourishes his hat, and cries, "Huzza, my lads." They immediately comply in loud shouts. He turns to several gentlemen present, and says, "Your best way, as you may now see, will be to advise lieutenant governor Colden to send the stamp papers from the fort to the inhabitants." In the evening the mob assemble, and insist upon his delivering them into their hands. He hopes to satisfy them, by declaring he will do nothing in relation to the stamps, but leave it to Sir Henry Moore to do as he pleases on his arrival. The people are not contented; they will have the stamps, or attempt taking them away by force; which must probably be attended with much bloodshed. After repeated negociation, it is agreed that they shall be delivered to the corporation; which is accordingly done, and they are deposited in the city-hall, to general satisfaction. Ten boxes of the like, which arrive afterward, meet with a worse fate, being committed to the flames.

The