of our Army has concluded, provisionally, with the hostile tribes in that region.

In the adjustment of the terms, the satisfaction of the Indians was deemed an object worthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of the United States, as the necessary basis of durable tranquility. The object, it is believed, has been fully attained. The articles agreed upon will immediately be laid before the Senate, for their consideration.

The Creek and Cherokee Indians, who alone, of the Southern tribes, had annoyed our frontiers, have lately confirmed their pre-existing Treaties with us, and were giving evidence of a sincere disposition to carry them into effect, by the surrender of the prisoners and property they had taken; but we have to lament that the fair prospect in this quarter has been once more clouded by wanton murders, which some citizens of Georgia are represented to have recently perpetrated on hunting parties of the Creeks, which have again subjected that frontier to disquietude and danger; which will be productive of further expense, and may occasion more effusion of blood. Measures are pursuing to prevent or mitigate the usual consequences of such outrages, and • with the hope of their succeeding, at least, to avert general hostility.

A Letter from the Emperor of Morocco announces to me his recognition of our Treaty made with his father the late Emperor, and, consequently, the continuance of peace with that Power. With peculiar satisfaction I add, that information has been received from an agent deputed on our part to Algiers, importing that the terms of the Treaty with the Dey and Regency of that country had been adjusted in such a manner as to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace, and the restoration of

our unfortunate fellow-citizens from

vity.

[DECEMBER, 1795.

the happy result, how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing, the prosperity of our country!

Contemplating the internal situation, as well as the external relations, of the United States, we discover equal cause for contentment and satisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe, with their American dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting, and calamitous; in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsions and insurrection; in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has embittered other sufferings; while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burdens which press upon all the departments of industry, and threaten to clog the future springs of Government; our favored country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed general tranquility-a tranquility the more satisfactory, because maintained at the expense of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others. Our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, prosper beyond former example; the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by the aggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position. Our population advances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine calculations, proportionally augments our strength and resources, and guarantees our future security. Every part of the Union displays indications of rapid and various improvement; and with burdens so light as scarcely to be perceived; with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies; with Governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty; and with mild and wholesome laws is it too much to say, that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equalled?

The latest advices from our Envoy at the Court of Madrid give, moreover, the pleasing information that he had received assurances of a speedy and satisfactory conclusion of his negotiation. While the event, depending upon unadjusted particulars, cannot be regarded as ascertained, it is agreeable to cherish the expectation of an issue which, securing, amicably, very essential interests of the United States, will, at the same time, lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a Power whose friendship we have uniformly and sincerely desired to cultivate.

Though not before officially disclosed to the House of Representatives, you, gentlemen, are all apprised that a Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, has been negotiated with Great Britain; and that the Senate have advised and consented to its ratification, upon a condition which excepts part of one article. Agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment I was able to form of the public interest, after full and mature deliberation, I have added my sanction. The result, on the part of His Britannic Majesty, is unknown. When received, the subject will, without delay, be placed before Con

gress.

This interesting summary of our affairs, with regard to the foreign Powers between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted, and with regard also to those of our Indian neighbors, with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. If, by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquility, on terms compatible with our national rights and honor, shall be

tiers. In this review, you will doubtless allow due weight to the considerations that the questions between us and certain foreign Powers are not yet finally adjusted; that the war in Europe is not yet terminated; and that our Western posts, when recovered, will demand provision for garrisoning and securing them. A statement of our present military force will be laid before you by the Department of War.

With the review of our Army Establishment is naturally connected that of the Militia. It will merit inquiry, what imperfections in the existing plan further experience may have unfolded. The subject is of so much moment, in my estimation, as to excite a constant solicitude that the consideration of it may be renewed until the greatest attainable perfection shall be accomplished. Time is wearing away some advantages for forwarding the object, while none better deserves the persevering attention of the public councils.

While we indulge the satisfaction which the actual condition of our Western borders so well authorizes, it is necessary that we should not lose sight of an important truth, which continually receives new confirmations, namely: that the provisions heretofore made with a view to the protection of the Indians from the violences of the lawless part of our frontier inhabitants are insufficient.

It is demonstrated that these violences can now be perpetrated with impunity; and it can need no argument to prove, that, unless the murdering of Indians can be

restrained by bringing the murderers to condign pun

ishment, all the exertions of the Government to prevent deştructive retaliations by the Indians will prove fruitless, and all our present agreeable prospects illusory. The frequent destruction of innocent women and children, who are chiefly the victims of retaliation, must continue to shock humanity, and an enormous expense to drain the Treasury of the Union.

To enforce upon the Indians the observance of justice, it is indispensable that there shall be competent means of rendering justice to them. If these means can be

devised by the wisdom of Congress, and especially if there can be added an adequate provision for supplying the necessities of the Indians, on reasonable termsa measure, the mention of which I the more readily repeat, as in all the conferences with them they urge it with solicitude-I should not hesitate to entertain a strong hope of rendering our tranquility permanent. I add, with pleasure, that the probability even of their civilization is not diminished by the experiments which have been thus far made under the auspices of Government. The accomplishment of this work, if practicable, will reflect undecaying lustre on our national character, and administer the most grateful consolations that virtuous minds can know.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :

The state of our revenue, with the sums which have been borrowed and reimbursed pursuant to different acts of Congress, will be submitted from the proper Department, together with an estimate of the appropriations necessary to be made for the service of the ensuing

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

of the House of Representatives :

[SENATE.

The statements which will be laid before you relative to the Mint will show the situation of that institution, and the necessity of some further Legislative provisions for carrying the business of it more completely into effect, and for checking abuses which appear to be arising in particular quarters.

The progress of providing materials for the frigates, and in building them; the state of the fortifications of our harbors; the measures which have been pursued for obtaining proper sites for arsenals, and for replenishing our magazines with military stores; and the steps which have been taken towards the execution of the law for opening a trade with the Indians will likewise be presented for the information of Congress.

Temperate discussion of the important subjects which may arise in the course of the session, and mutual forbearance where there is a difference of opinion, are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and welfare, of our country, to need any recommendation of mine.

G. WASHINGTON.

"Resolved, That, in conformity to a resolution of the Senate of the United States, passed the 20th day of

February, 1794, the gallery of the Senate Chamber be permitted to be opened every morning, subject to the restrictions therein mentioned, a suitable gallery having

been erected and provided in the Senate Chamber, in

the late recess of Congress, for that purpose."

And, the motion being amended, it was

Resolved, That, in conformity to a resolution of the Senate of the United States, passed the 20th day of February, 1794, the gallery of the Senate Chamber be permitted to be opened every morning, subject to the restrictions in said resolution mentioned.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have resolved that two Chaplains, of different denominations, be appointed to Congress for the present session, one by each House, who shall interchange weekly; in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate. Whereupon, the Senate proceeded to consider the said resolution; and

Resolved, That they do concur therein, and that the right Reverend Bishop WHITE be the Chaplain on the part of the Senate.

Resolved, That each Senator be supplied during the present session with copies of three such newspapers, printed in any of the States, as he may choose, provided that the same are furnished at the rate of the usual annual charge for such papers.

SENATE.]

THURSDAY, December 10.

JOHN BROWN, from the State of Kentucky, and FREDERICK FRELINGHUYSEN, from the State of New Jersey, severally attended.

Mr. KING, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported the draft of an Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, at the opening of the session, which was read, and ordered to lie for consideration until to-morrow.

FRIDAY, December 11.

ELIJAH PAINE, from the State of Vermont, attended.

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT.

The Senate took into consideration the report made by the Committee, of an Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, at the opening of the session, which is as follows:

STR: It is with peculiar satisfaction that we are informed by your Speech to the two Houses of Congress, that the long and expensive war in which we have been engaged with the Indians Northwest of the Ohio is in a situation to be finally terminated; and, though we view with concern the danger of an interruption of the peace so recently confirmed with the Creeks, we indulge the hope, that the measures that you have adopted to prevent the same, if followed by those Legislative provisions that justice and humanity equally demand, will succeed in laying the foundation of a lasting peace with the Indian tribes on the Southern as well as on the

Western frontiers.

The confirmation of our Treaty with Morocco, and the adjustment of a Treaty of Peace with Algiers, in conse

quence of which our captive fellow-citizens shall be delivered from slavery, are events that will prove no less interesting to the public humanity, than they will be important in extending and securing the navigation and commerce of our country.

As a just and equitable conclusion of our depending negotiations with Spain will essentially advance the interest of both nations, and thereby cherish and confirm the good understanding and friendship which we have at all times desired to maintain, it will afford us real pleasure to receive an early confirmation of our expectations on this subject.

The interesting prospect of our affairs, with regard to the foreign Powers between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted, is not more satisfactory, than the review of our internal situation : if from the former we derive an expectation of the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord, that have heretofore endangered our tranquility, and on terms consistent with our national honor and safety, in the

latter we discover those numerous and wide-spread tokens of prosperity which, in so peculiar a manner, distinguish our happy country.

Circumstances thus every way auspicious demand our gratitude, and sincere acknowledgments to Almighty God, and require that we should unite our efforts in imitation of your enlightened, firm, and persevering example, to establish and preserve the peace, freedom, and prosperity, of our country.

The objects which you have recommended to the notice of the Legislature will, in the course of the session,

[DECEMBER, 1795.

receive our careful attention, and, with a true zeal for the public welfare, we shall cheerfully co-operate in every measure that shall appear to us best calculated to promote the same.

JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

The Address was taken up by paragraphs. The fourth and fifth paragraphs were moved to be struck out by Mr. MASON.

Mr. MASON observed, that he had hoped nothing contained in the Address reported as an answer to the PRESIDENT'S Speech, would have been such as to force the Senate to precipitate decisions. The two clauses he objected to disappointed him in that hope. They were calculated to bring again into view the important subject which occupied the Senate during their June session. This he conceived could answer no good purpose; the minority on that occasion were not now to be expected to recede from the opinions they then held, and they could not therefore join in the indirect self-approbation which the majority appeared to wish for, and which was most certainly involved in the two clauses which he should hope would be struck out. If his motion were agreed to, the remainder of the Address would, in his opinion, stand unexceptionable. He did not see, for his part, that our situation was every way auspicious. Notwithstanding the Treaty, our trade is grievously molested.

Mr. KING observed, that the principal features observable in the answer reported to the PRESIDENT'S Address, were to keep up that harmony of intercourse which ought to subsist between the Legislature and the PRESIDENT, and to express confidence in the undiminished firmness and love

of country which always characterize our chief Executive Magistrate. He objected to striking out especially the first clause, because founded on undeniable truth. It only declares that our prospects, as to our external relations, are not more satisfactory than a review of our internal situation would prove. Was not this representation true, he asked; could it be controverted? This clause, he contended, contained nothing reasonably objectionable; it did not say as much as the second, to which only most of the objections of the member up before him applied, an answer to which he should defer, expecting that a question would be put on each in order.

The clause he said appeared to him drawn up in such terms as could not offend the nicest feelings of the minority on the important decision in June; it was particularly circumspect and cautious. If liable to objection it was in not going as far as

the truth would warrant.

Some conversation took place as to the mode required by order of putting the question; whether it should be put on each clause separately, or whether upon striking out both at once.

The Chair requested that the motion should be reduced to writing. Mr. MASON accordingly reduced it to writing, and it went to striking out both clauses at once.

Mr. MASON agreed most cordially that the situa

tion of our external relations were not more a cause of joy than our situation at home. But the obvious meaning of the clause, he conceived, was an indirect approval of our situation relative to external concerns; and to this he could not give his assent, as he did not consider their aspect as prosperous or auspicious.

Mr. BUTLER said, that when the committee was appointed to draft an answer, he hoped they would have used such general terms as to have secured an unanimous vote. He was willing to give the Chief Magistrate such an answer as respect to his station entitled him to, but not such a one as would do violence to his regard for the Constitution and his duty to his constituents. He could not approve of long and detailed answers, however unexceptionable the Speech might be in matter, and however respectable the character might be from whom it came. He had hoped, from the peculiar situation of the country, and of the Senate, that nothing would have been brought forward in the answer, on the subject which agitated the June Executive session, calculated to wound the feelings of members. He had been disappointed; it was evident that some members of the Senate could not give their voice in favor of the Address in its present shape, without involving themselves in the most palpable inconsistency.

He had long since, for his own part, declared himself against every article of the Treaty, because in no instance is it bottomed on reciprocity, the only honorable basis. After this declaration, how could he, or those who coincided in opinion

[SENATE.

was not, he conceived, warranted by the existing state of things. Indeed, he protested, he knew no more of the actual situation of the Treaty negotiation than the remotest farmer in the Union; could he then declare, he asked, that it was drawing to a happy close? Indeed, from the latest information received, far from our situation having been ameliorated by the negotiations of our Executive, he conceived our trade as much in jeopardy as ever.

As to the internal prosperity, he owned there was some cause for congratulation; but even in this his conviction could not carry him as far as the clauses in the Address seemed to go. In a pecuniary point of view, the country had made a visible progress; but he saw in it no basis of permanent prosperity. There were no circumstances attendant on it that gave a fair hope that the prosperity would be permanent. The chief cause of our temporary pecuniary prosperity is the war in Europe, which occasions the high prices our produce at present commands; when that is terminated, those advantageous prices will of course fall.

Mr. B. now came to speak of the second objectional clause. He regretted whenever a question was brought forward that involved personality in the most indirect manner. He wished always to speak to subjects unconnected with men; but the wording of the clause was unfortunately such as to render allusion to official character unavoidable. He objected principally to the epithet firm, introduced into the latter clause, as

sistency?

as

He did not agree with the gentleman of New York in his exposition of the meaning of the clauses objected to. They certainly declare our situation as to our external relations to be favorable. Our situation, far as it respects Great Britain, he contended, was not in the least ameliorated. Their depredations on our commerce have not been less frequent of late than at any period since the beginning of her war with France. Her orders for the seizure of all our vessels laden with provisions cannot surely be a subject for congratulation. When it became authenticated that our trade was relieved from these embarrassments, then he was confident the members of the Senate, who were with him in sentiment, would readily express their satisfaction at the auspicious prospect opened for this country to the enjoyments of tranquility and happiness. But, until that happy time should arrive, he could not give his voice to deceive the inhabitants of the United States, remote from the sources of information, to hoodwink them by sanctioning with his vote a statement unwarranted by truth, and presenting to them a picture of our public happiness not sanctioned by fact.

The sentence objected to, notwithstanding the explanation of the gentleman from New York, appeared to him so worded as to lead the citizens at large to believe that the spoliations on our commerce were drawing to a fortunate close. This

the manly demand of restitution made of Great Britain for her accumulated injuries that called forth the praise? for his own part he could discern no firmness there. Is it for the undaunted and energetic countenance of the cause of France, in her struggle for freeing herself from despotic shackles? He saw no firmness displayed on that occasion. Where then is it to be found? Was it in the opposition to the minority of the Senate and the general voice of the people against the Treaty that that firmness was displayed? If it is that firmness in opposing the will of the people, which is intended to be extolled, the vote shall never, said Mr. B., leave the walls of the Senate with my approbation.

He could not approve, he said, that firmness that prompted the Executive to resist the unequivocal voice of his fellow-citizens from New Hampshire to Georgia. He would have applauded the firmness of the PRESIDENT, if, in compliance with the unequivocal wish of the people, he had resisted the voice of the majority on the Treaty, and refused his signature to it.

This was, he understood, (and it should be mentioned in honor of the PRESIDENT,) his first intention; why he changed it, time, he said, must disclose.

He concluded by proposing an amendment to be substituted in lieu of the objectionable clauses, should they be struck out.

Mr. READ said, he was not in the habit of giv

ing a silent vote, and, as many of his constituents were adverse to the instrument to which he had given his assent, he thought this a fit opportunity to say something on the subject.

Gentlemen on the other side had spoken of their feelings; did they suppose, he asked, that those who were in the majority had not feelings? Also, gentlemen declared they would not recede from their former determinations; did they expect that the majority would recede ?

He had, he said, taken the question of the Treaty in all its aspects, and considered it maturely, and though he lamented that he differed in opinion on that subject with his colleague, and a portion of the people of his State, he nevertheless remained convinced that the ratification of it was advisable: It rescued the country from war and its desolating horrors.

After reading that part of the PRESIDENT'S Speech to which the clauses objected to were an echo, he asked, whether any one could say, under the conviction that the measures of Government had prevented a war, that our view of foreign relations was not consolatory? On all hands, he observed, the idea of a war was deprecated; both sides of the House wished to avoid it; then is it not a consolatory reflection to all that its horrors have been averted? Is there a man who does not believe that, had the Treaty not been ratified, we should have had war? If the country had been plunged into a war, would it be as flourishing as it is ? The trifling vexations our commerce has sustained are not to compare to the evils of hostility. What good end could have been answered by a war? The Address, in the part under discussion, says no more than that we rejoice at the prospect that the blessings of peace will be preserved; and does not this expectation exist?

Great Britain, in the plenitude of her power, had availed herself of the right she had. under the Law. of Nations, of seizing enemy's goods in neutral vessels; but has allowed compensation to some Americans, and a system of mild measures on our part is the best security for further.

He adverted to that part of Mr. BUTLER's observations which related to the probable fall of provisions at the peace. We ought not to be grieved if Europe was rid of the calamities of war at that price. But he contended that, from the measures of the Administration, permanent advantages were secured to this country. The value of our soil has been enhanced; wealth has poured in from various parts of the globe, and many permanent advantages secured.

There had been one assertion made, which, by repetition, had by some almost been taken for granted, but which required proof to induce him to believe it, and that was, that a majority of the citizens of the United States are opposed to the Treaty. In the part of the country he came from, he owned there might be a majority of that opinion, but he believed the contrary of the United States at large; he expressed a conviction that, when his constituents came to consider the measure maturely, they would change their opinions, and, indeed, he understood that the false impres

[DECEMBER, 1795.

sions by which they were at first actuated, were already wearing off.

But the Senate and PRESIDENT are the Constitutional Treaty-making powers. If mistaken in their decisions, they cannot be accused of having been misled by sudden and immatured impressions. He should conceive himself unfit to fill a chair in the Senate, if he suffered himself to be carried away by such impressions. The people could not, in their town meetings, deprived of proper information, possibly form an opinion that deserved weight, and it was the duty of the Executive not to be shaken in their determination by tumultuous proceedings from without. Upon this ground he much approved the PRESIDENT'S conduct, and thought it entitled to the epithet, firm.

In local questions, affecting none but the interests of his constituents, he should attend to their voice, but on great national points, he did not consider himself as a Representative from South Carolina, but as a Senator for the Union. In questions of this last kind, even if the wishes of his constituents were unequivocally made known to him, he should not conceive himself bound to sacrifice his opinions to theirs. He viewed the PRESIDENT as standing in this situation, and though he might hear the opinions of the people from every part of the United States, he should not sacrifice to them his own conviction; in this line of conduct he has shown his firmness, and deserves to be complimented for it by the Senate.

The Address reported, he said, contained nothing that could wound the feelings of any member. The Senate would not, in his opinion, act improperly if they expressed opinions coincident with their act in the June session. The feelings of the majority should be as much consulted as those of the minority. The minority are not asked to retract; but there is a propriety in the Senate's going as far in their Address as the Speech went, though it should be styled a vote of self-approbation. He hoped the clauses would not be struck out.

Mr. ELLSWORTH was opposed to striking out. The clause records a fact, and if struck out the Senate deny it. The PRESIDENT asserts it, in the Address reportedy the Senate assent, a motion is made to strike out, is it because the truth of it is doubted ? It cannot be called an unimportant fact, therefore its omission will not be imputed to oversight. The latter part of the clause expresses our gratitude to Almighty God. Will the Senate refuse to make an acknowledgment of that kind? Do they not admit that He is the source of all Good, and can they refuse to acknowledge it? And if so, is it possible that, in admitting the fact and expressing the sentiment, which so naturally flows from it, the Senate should wound the feelings of any friend to his country?

The truth of the fact is as clear as that the sun now shines; the sentiment is unexceptionable; he, therefore, recommended to his friend the mover, not to insist upon striking out merely, but that he should vary the motion, and propose a substitute.

To bring the mind to the point with precision,