SYMPATHY WITH CRETE, AND AN APPEAL TO

THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT.

JOINT RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE, JULY 19, 1867, and JULY 21, 1868.

JULY 19th, reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations by Mr. Sumner :

RESOLUTION declaring sympathy with the suffering people of Crete.

RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the people of the United States feel strong sympathy with the people of Crete, constituting a part of the Greek family, to which civilization owes so much; that they are pained by the report of the present sufferings of this interesting people; and they unite in the hope that this declaration, which they feel it their duty to make, will be favorably considered by the Government of Turkey in determining its policy towards Crete.

SEC. 2. And be it further resolved, That it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to communicate this resolution to the Government of Turkey.

On the same day, this resolution was, by unanimous consent, read three times, and passed both Houses, and on the next day approved by the President.1

1 Statutes at Large, Vol. XV. p. 31.

July 21, 1868, the contest of the Cretans for independence still continuing, Mr. Sumner reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations the following joint resolution :

JOINT RESOLUTION appealing to the Turkish Government in behalf of the people of Crete.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the people of the United States renew the expression of their sympathy with the suffering people of Crete, to whom they are bound by the ties of a common religion, and by the gratitude due to the Greek race, of which the Cretans are a part; that they rejoice to believe that the sufferings of this interesting people may be happily terminated by a policy of forbearance on the part of the Turkish Government; and they hereby declare their earnest hope that the Turkish Government will listen kindly to this representation, and will speedily adopt such generous steps as will secure to Crete the muchdesired blessings of peace, and the advantage of autonomic government.

SEC. 2. And be it further resolved, That religion, civilization, and humanity require that the existing contest in Crete should be brought to a close; and to accomplish this result, the civilized powers of the world should unite in friendly influence with the Government of Turkey.

SEC. 3. And be it further resolved, That it shall be the duty of the President to instruct the minister of the United States at Constantinople to coöperate with the ministers of other powers in all good offices to terminate the sufferings of the people of Crete; and that it shall be the further duty of the President to

communicate a copy of this resolution to the Government of Turkey.

The resolution was considered on the same day, and passed without a division.

July 25th, it passed the other House without a division.
July 27th, it was approved by the President.1

These two resolutions gave expression to the sentiments of the American people, who sympathized strongly in the Cretan struggle for independence. For a time the courage and determination of the insurgents inspired confidence, and it seemed as if they would prevail; but, after a protracted struggle, they succumbed to superior force. The following contemporary account is from the Washington correspondent of the Boston Journal.

"Mr. Sumner's resolutions appealing to the Turkish Government in behalf of Crete, which were passed by both Houses of Congress, have been much spoken of in diplomatic circles. Some think they were too late, as in their opinion the Cretans are already vanquished. This is not the opinion with the Greek Legation, who is very hopeful, and insists that the Turks can never prevail. The resolutions themselves, even among those who do not sympathize with their object, are regarded as a masterpiece of composition, inasmuch as, while very strong, they did not fail in courtesy toward the Turkish Government. There was a great pressure to have the independence of Crete acknowledged, especially by the Greek Legation, and by friends of the Cretans in Massachusetts; but Mr. Sumner took the ground that independence was a fact to be determined by evidence, and that, whatever might be the opinion of individuals with regard to the future result, there was no official evidence showing that independence was yet established."

1 Statutes at Large, Vol. XV. pp. 263, 264.

PRIVILEGES OF DEBATE IN THE SENATE ON OFFICERS LIABLE TO IMPEACHMENT.

RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE, JULY 20, 1867.

THE misconduct of the President, and his obstruction of important legislation, naturally aroused judgment and indignation. The question was then raised with regard to the privileges of the Senate. July 20th, in the debate on adjournment, Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, said: "The time has come, undoubtedly, when there is a very serious difference of opinion in Congress upon a very important question. With regard to the Senate, I have considered that upon that question it was not proper for a Senator to express an opinion, or even, if he could avoid it, to form an opinion." Mr. Sumner never doubted the complete immunity of the Senate, and its duty to consider these things in advance of impeachment, and he spoke accordingly. On the day of Mr. Fessenden's remarks he offered the following resolutions, which were ordered to be printed.

RESOLUTIONS declaring the privileges of debate in the Senate with regard to civil officers liable to impeachment.

W

HEREAS it has been asserted that the conduct

of a civil officer liable to impeachment cannot be freely considered and condemned by Senators in the course of legislative proceedings;

And whereas such an opinion is calculated to impair the just privileges of debate: Therefore,

Resolved, That the Constitution, in providing for the impeachment of "all civil officers" of the National Government, embracing the President, members of the

Cabinet, diplomatic representatives, and other civil functionaries, did not intend to limit debate in the Senate on the conduct of any civil officer, so far as the same may arise in legislative proceedings; that any other interpretation is inconsistent with the privileges of the Senate, and tends directly to shield misconduct in civil office.

Resolved, That the Constitution expressly declares, that, when sitting to try an impeachment, the Senate "shall be on oath or affirmation," thus superadding a judicial oath to that already taken as Senator; that from the taking of this oath the judicial character of the Senate begins, and until then each Senator is free to express himself openly on the conduct of any civil officer, and thereupon to invite the judgment of the Senate and the country; that at times this may be a duty, and is always a sacred right, which cannot be renounced or abridged.1

1 The character of the Senate as a court of impeachment was discussed by Mr. Sumner in his Opinion on the Impeachment of President Johnson.