certain propositions to be made to congress by general Carleton, may render a treaty here with us unnecessary. A little bad news, which it is possible they may yet receive from the same quarter, will contribute to set them right; and then we may enter seriously upon the treaty; otherwise I conjecture it may not take place till after another campaign. Mr. Jay is arrived here. Mr. Grenville and Mr. Oswald continue here. Mr. Oswald has yet received no commission; and that of Mr. Grenville does not very clearly comprehend us according to British ideas; therefore requires explication. When I know more, you shall have farther information.

Not having an immediate answer to what I wrote you, concerning the absolution of lord Cornwallis's parole, and major Ross coming over hither from him to press it; I gave him the discharge you desired. Inclosed I send you a copy. I hear it has proved satisfactory to him; I hope it will be so to you.

Believe me to be, with great esteem, &c.

From Governor Pownall to Dr. Franklin.

DEAR SIR,

Richmond Hill, July 5, 1782.

I HAVE, by my friend Mr. Hobart, sent a printed copy of the three memorials which I published on the subject of America, one addressed to the sovereigns of Europe, and two others addressed to the sovereign of Great Britain.

I hope you received my letter of May 13, 1782, forwarded by Mr. Bridgen.

As it is possible you may see Mr. Hobart, he can inform you from me, as well as of his own knowlege, of the steps we took upon the ground of your communications to him and me. That there were persons authorised to treat of peace, and that such persons were willing to give to reasonable measures taken to that end, every assistance in their power." He can inform you also on the circumstances which attended

those steps; and of the effect which they missed in the direct line, as of the effect they actually have in an oblique one. As. from the beginning of this matter, of trying to bring on negociation for peace, I considered him as joined with me, in our endeavors; so I have given to him a memorandum which I made on the course of this business. He will communicate to you every thing which is not improper for a man of honor to communicate to the minister of a people at war with us: nor will he abstain from communicating any thing which that minister, wishing peace to our country, ought to be apprized of, respecting the effects of his friendly offers. He will do every thing which a man of honor ought to do, and he will do nothing that a man of honor ought not to do.

I have desired him to give a paper of queries, respecting modes and terms of settling in America, which people of this old world, and of the old country, may in future be admitted to receive. I am, not only for my friends, but personally interested, to gain information on that head: and as I wish that which will not deceive them or myself, I apply to you.

May God send peace on earth. I hope among the general blessings it will bring, it will restore me to the communication and enjoyment of my old and long valued friendship with you. May you live to see, and have health to enjoy, the blessings which I hope it may please God to make you the instrument of communicating to mankind.

I am, dear sir, your friend and very humble servant,

T. POWNALL.

P. M.

To the Honorable Mr. Hobart.

WHEN I published the memorials which I had prepared for the king, January 1, 1782, I prefixed a prefatory explanation of the publication, stating, as far as was safe so to do, the state of the propositions of treaty, and the circumstances attending the reception and final refusal of them.

I could not think it proper to name the person with whom I had corresponded, who was authorised to treat of peace, and was willing to promote it, because I knew the insidious falsehood of those who both hate and fear him, would, when once his name was committed with the public, represent him in any light that might tend to diminish and destroy the trust and confidence which he so deservedly has from his employers. The memorials, therefore, speak of persons in the plural, and the preface in its communications to the public keeps close to that expressed.

I could not venture to tell the public, nor could I venture to write to this person, the fact that he specifically and personally was excepted to, in an opprobrious manner. Because, the same persons who are his enemies, having proscribed me, would have been glad of making, such my communications, an occasion of charging me with crimes, which, notwithstanding they have been in constant watch, they have never yet been able to do. For although I know they have whispered such in the closet, they never have dared to assert any such matter as fact in public. What I did, I thought right in point of honor to all concerned or interested, and I went as far as I dared venture to go in the publications which I made.

As this exception to the integrity and good faith of my correspondent, was made, upon the very first overture which I made, by all the ministers, I made a point, in all the memorials which I drew up for presentation (had the offers been admissible), of founding my offers on the integrity and good faith of this person (p. 32),P and in this communication to the public of marking him (preface, p. 10), as a man of honor and good faith.

I could not venture to communicate to my correspondent, much less to the public, those matters, which, though not officially communicated to me, these my enemies would have represented, as a betraying to the enemy the secrets of govern

se references are to the printed memorials of governor Pownall, G. Dodsley, 1782.

ment. But it is fit, if not absolutely necessary, to make this memorandum of these things, that the truth, when the proper time shall come, may be known to all whom it doth concern; and it is further fit that this memorandum should be communicated to you now, as the proposing of your services was included in the offers made as a condition sine qua non.

Between the 6th of December, 1781, and the end of January 1782, during which time the ministry kept me in suspense, as to what resolution they would take, as to what answer they would give; or whether they would give me any answer at all; or whether they would deign to admit me and my propositions to a hearing; they act dishonorably towards me, and as I think towards my correspondent also, profited of the fact communicated by me to them, viz. "that there were persons authorised to treat of peace; and, that these persons were disposed to give such treaty every assistance in their power:”—and sent one person (I have been told it was Mr. Oswald), to Holland, a person, if not actually the same person, to Ghent, and a Mr. Forth to France, to try if they could not get upon the same ground by other ways, and through other persons. I have been told, and believe it, that they understood that Mr. Adams was (disgusted with the Dutch government) ready to accede to ours. Also that Mr.

at Ghent was already gained. This person they hurried off to America; and they gave instructions to general Carleton to open the ground of treaty in America. In short they tried any ground and every person, except him who was excepted to. And when they found that they could not get in at any door in Europe, they affected to interpret this disappointment into a fact, "That the American ministers were either not empowered or not willing to treat; that the offer was now clearly a trap laid by a faithless and decided enemy."

When I first made my offer, I was asked, whether I would go to Ghent or Holland, which I peremptorily refused. I was then asked, why I would not; I said, I knew nothing of the person in Holland, and as to the person at Ghent, I would have no communications there. The only person I would

have communications with, was him that I knew had powers, whom I knew to be, notwithstanding all provocations to the contrary, a well-wisher and friend to this, whom from experience I knew to be a man of honor and good faith, whom I could trust, and who would trust me. This person and this line was rejected; I will not aggravate the color of facts by saying how.

I was informed, that during this period, they were talking with Mr. Laurens, as a more practicable man, as one who had, by acknowleging himself amenable to the laws and courts of this country, and by the act of giving bail, had by implication acknowleged (at least de facto), the sovereignty of Great Britain, and that the ministers of the states were criminals against this country. This gentleman, therefore, and his surety Mr. Oswald, were fixed upon as the persons through whom business might go. What was the nature of the matters of business on which they were communicated with, I do not know.

Notwithstanding the change of the ministry which took place at this period, there were some in the new composition of ministers, who partook of the spirit and influence of the old ones, and the same line of motion, and the same persons, were in like manner as before, adopted for treaty.

The memorial, January 1, 1782, (p. 22), declares specifically and definitively what was the proposition I made, viz. to open a "negotiation for the purpose only of settling such a truce with the Americans, as a preliminary measure, in order the better to treat of peace in future, either separately, or in any general congress of the powers of Europe." And this on a ground of uti possidetis, both as to rights as well as territories possessed, which I explained as an acknowlegment of the independence of America, with a sauf d'honneur to the British sovereign, and a removing of all obstacles from the way of such other sovereigns in Europe as had not yet brought themselves to acknowlege the American sovereignty. (p. 22.) I never pretended to talk of peace, much less of a separate peace, but definitively declared that whatever was undertaken