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municate them to his colleagues and the French ministry. This Mr. Pultney opposed, saying that it would answer no good end, as he was persuaded that what weighed with Dr. Franklin would weigh also with them; and therefore desired that no mention might be made of his having offered such propositions, or even of his having been here, on such business; but that the whole might be buried in oblivion, agreeable to what had been stipulated by Mr. Pultney, and agreed to by Dr. Franklin, before the propositions were produced, which Dr. Franklin accordingly promised.

Paris, March 19, 1780. (Signed)

DEAR SIR,

Wm. ALEXANDER.

I SEND you adjoined, the certificate you desire; and am perfectly convinced, from conversations I have since had with Mr. Pultney, that nobody was authorised to hold the language which has been imputed to him on that subject; and as I have a high opinion of his candor and worth, I know it must be painful to him to be brought into question in matters of fact with persons he esteems. I could wish that this matter may receive no farther publicity than what is necessary for your justification.

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MR. HARTLEY, a member of parliament, an old acquaintance of mine, arrived here from London on Sunday last. He is generally in the opposition, especially on American questions, but has some respect for lord North. In con

versation he expressed the strongest anxiety for peace with America, and appeared extremely desirous to know my sentiments of the terms which might probably be acceptable if offered; whether America would not to obtain peace, grant some superior advantages in trade to Britain, and enter into an alliance offensive and defensive; whether if war should be declared against France, we had obliged ourselves by treaty, to join with her against England. My answers have been, that the United States were not fond of war, and with the advice of their friends, would probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equitable terms; but we had no terms committed to us to propose, and I did not chuse to mention any: that Britain having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might think herself well off, if on reparation of those injuries, we admitted her to equal advantages with other nations in commerce; but certainly she had no reason to expect superior: that her known fondness for war, and the many instances of her readiness to engage in wars on frivolous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause an immediate rejection of every proposition for an offensive alliance with her: and that if she made war against France on our account, a peace with us, at the same time, was impossible; for that having met with friendship from that generous nation, when we were cruelly oppressed by England, we were under ties, stronger than treaties could form, to make common cause; which we should certainly do to the utmost of our power. Here has also been with me a Mr. Chapman, who says he is a member of the parliament of Ireland, on his way home from Nice, where he had been for the recovery of his health. He pretended to call on me only from motives of respect for my character, &c. But after a few compliments, he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to know what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on having peace and independence granted to us, we should not be willing to submit to the navigation act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The purport of my answer to him was in short, that peace was of equal value to England as to us, and in

dependence we were already in possession of: that therefore England's offer to grant them to us could not be considered as proposing any favor, or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages in commerce. By his importunity I found his visit was not so occasional as he represented it: and from some expressions I conjectured he might be sent by lord Shelburne to sound me, and collect some information. On the whole, I gather from these conversations, that the opposition as well as the ministry are perplexed with the present situation of affairs, and know not which way to turn themselves, whether it is best to go backward or forward, or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present dangerous situation

I thought it right to give your excellency an account of these interviews, and to acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such hereafter, as I see but little prospect of utility in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations.

By advices from London we learn, that a fleet for Quebec, with goods valued at five hundred thousand pounds sterling, is to sail about the end of this month, under convoy only of a single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go governor Haldimand.

Inclosed I send a paper I have just received from London. It is not subscribed by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend of general and great acquaintance, and marks strongly the present distress and despair of considerate people in England.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

From Count de Vergennes, to Dr. Franklin.

A Versailles, le April 25, 1778. J'AI rendu compte au roi, monsieur, du contenû de la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'ecrire hier, et sa majesté me charge de vous temoigner toute sa satisfaction de

votre empressement à nous informer de l'objet de vos conferences avec M. Hartley. Le grand art de l'Angleterre fut toujours de chercher à diviser, c'est un bon moyen en effet pour s'assurer l'empire; mais ce n'est ni auprès de vous ni auprés de vos collegues qu'il peut etre employé avec succè; je porte avec confiance le meme jugement des etats unis. Au reste il n'est pas possible, monsieur, de repondre avec plus de noblesse, de franchise et de fermeté que vous l'avez fait a M. Hartley : il n'a pas lieu d'etre content de sa mission. J'ignore si ce membre du parlement en a une pour nous; il desire de me voir, et je l'attens dans la matinée. Je ne serois pas surpris qu'il ne se proposat de semer la defiance entre nous en introduisant une double negociation, mais je saurai y obvier, et vous serez instruit de ce qui se passera entre nous pour peu qu'il y ait quelque chose d'interessant.

J'ai l'honneur d'être avec une tres parfaite consideration, monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur, DE VERGENNES.

TRANSLATION.

Versailles, 25th April, 1778.

I HAVE made known to the king, sir, the substance of the letter which you did me the honor of writing to me yesterday; and I am directed, by his majesty, to express to you the satisfaction he has experienced from the information which you have communicated on your conferences with Mr. Hartley. The grand principle of the English policy has always been to excite divisions; and it is by such means she expects to sustain her empire; but it is not upon you, nor upon your colleagues, that she can practise such arts with success: I entertain the same senti. ments of confidence in the United States: of the rest it is impossible to speak with more dignity, frankness, and firmness, than you have done to Mr. Hartley: he has no reason to be very well satisfied with his mission. I doubt whether the member of parliament has any mission for us: but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of the morning. I should not be at all surprised if his purpose be to sow distrust between us, by proposing a double negotiation: that I can obviate; but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be, you shall be made acquainted with.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant, DE VERGENNES.

DEAR SIR,

To Dr. Franklin, Passy.

Paris, April 25, 1778.

I WILL take care of all your commissions. This moment a second packet of infinite value is received, which I shall cherish as a mark of affection from you. I opened the letter by mistake which came with it, and soon saw it was not for me. I hope you will excuse it. I chuse rather to throw myself upon your goodness for the excuse, than any thing else. I shall not set out till between one and two; therefore, if you will be so good as to send me another copy, I will take care of it and deliver it safely.

God bless you, my dear friend. No exertion or endeavor on my part shall be wanting, that we may some time or other meet again in peace. Your powers are infinitely more influential than mine. To those powers I trust my last hopes. I will conclude, blessed are the peace-makers.

Your affectionate friend,

D. HARTLEY.

If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety: events are uncertain, and men may be capricious. Yours, &c.

Answer.

I THANK you for your kind caution, but having nearly finished a long life, I set but little value on what remains of it. Like a draper, when one chaffers with him for a remnant, I am ready to say, " As it is only the fag-end, I will not differ with you about it; take it for what you please." Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put to, is to make a martyr of him.

B. FRANKLIN.

An anonymous letter delivered to me at nine in the evening, May 20, '78. It seems intended to draw me out into VOL. VI.

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