Had I been at home, as you wish, soon after the peace, I might possibly have mitigated some of the severities against the royalists, believing as I do, that fear and error, rather than malice, occasioned their desertion of their country's cause, and adoption of the king's. The public resentment against them is now so far abated, that none who ask leave to return are refused, and many of them now live among us much at their ease. As to the restoration of confiscated estates, it is an operation that none of our politicans have as yet ventured to propose. They are a sort of people that love to fortify themselves in their projects by precedent. Perhaps they wait to see your government restore the forfeited estates in Scotland to the Scotch, those in Ireland to the Irish, and those in England to the Welch.

I am glad that the distressed exiles who remain with you have received, or are likely to receive, some compensation for their losses, for I commiserate their situation. It was clearly incumbent on the king to indemnify those he had seduced by his proclamations: but it seems not so clearly consistent with the wisdom of parliament to resolve doing it for him. If some mad king should think fit in a freak to make war upon his subjects of Scotland, or upon those of England, by the help of Scotland and Ireland (as the Stuarts did), may he not encourage followers by the precedent of those parliamentary gratuities, and thus set his subjects to cutting one another's throats, first with the hope of sharing in confiscations, and then with that of compensation in case of disappointment? The council of brutes, without a fable, were aware of this. Lest that fable may perhaps not have fallen in your way, I inclose a copy of it.

Your commercial treaty with France seems to show a growing improvement in the sentiments of both nations in the economical science. All Europe might be a great deal happier with a little more understanding. We in America have lately had a convention for framing a new constitution. Inclosed I send you the result of their deliberations. Whether VOL. VI.

3 B

it will be generally acceptable, and carried into execution, is yet to be seen; but present appearances are in its favor.

I am always glad to hear from you, and of your welfare. I remember with pleasure the happy days we have spent together.

Adieu, and believe me ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

To M. Dupont de Nemours, at Paris.

Philadelphia, June 9, 1788.

I HAVE received your favor of December 31, with the extract of a letter which you wish to have translated and published here. But seven states having, before it arrived, ratified the new contitution, and others being daily expected to do the same, after the fullest discussion in convention, and in all the public papers, till every body was tired of the argument, it seemed too late to propose delay, and especially the delay that must be occasioned by a revision and correction of all the separate constitutions. For it would take at least a year to convince thirteen states that the constitutions they have practised ever since the revolution, without observing any imperfections in them, so great as to be worth the trouble of amendment, are nevertheless so ill formed as to be unfit for continuation, or to be parts of a federal government. And when they should be so convinced, it would probably take some years more to make the connections. An eighth state has since acceded, and when a ninth is added, which is now daily expected, the constitution will be carried into execution. It is probable however, that at the first meeting of the new congress, various amendments will be proposed and discussed, when I hope. your Ouvrage sur les principes et le bien des republiques en general, &c. &c., may be ready to put into their hands; and such a work from your hand, I am confident, though it may not be entirely followed, will afford useful hints, and produce advantages of importance. But we must not expect that a new

government may be formed, as a game of chess may be played, by a skilful hand, without a fault. The players of our game are so many, their ideas so different, their prejudices so strong and so various, and their particular interests independent of the general seeming, so opposite, that not a move can be made that is not contested; the numerous objections confound the understanding; the wisest must agree to some unreasonable things, that reasonable ones of more consequence may be obtained, and thus chance has its share in many of the determinations, so that the play is more like tric-trac with a box of dice.

We are much pleased with the disposition of your government to favor our commerce, manifested in the late réglement. You appear to be possessed of a truth, which few governments are possessed of, that A must take some of B's produce, otherwise B will not be able to pay for what he would take of A. But there is one thing wanting to facilitate and augment our intercourse. It is a dictionary, explaining the names of different articles of manufacture, in the two languages. When I was in Paris, I received a large order for a great variety of goods, particularly of the kind called hardwares, i. e. wares of iron and steel: and when I shewed the invoice to your manufacturers, they did not understand what kinds of goods or instruments were meant by the names: nor could any English and French dictionary be found to explain them. So I sent to England for one of each sort, which might serve both as explanation and as a model, the latter being of importance likewise, since people are prejudiced in favor of forms they have been used to, though perhaps not the best. They cost me twenty-five guineas, but were lost by the way, and the peace coming on the scheme dropped. It would however, as I imagine, be well worth receiving. For our merchants say we still send to England for such goods as we want, because there they understand our orders, and can execute them precisely.

With great and sincere esteem, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN

To the Printer of the Evening Herald.

SIR, THE British news-writers are very assiduous in their endeavors to blacken America. Should we not be careful not to afford them any assistance by censures of one another, especially by censures not well founded.

I lately observed in one of your papers, the conduct of the state of Massachusetts reflected on, as being inconsistent and absurd, as well as wicked, for attempting to raise a tax by a stamp act, and for carrying on the slave trade.

The writer of those reflections might have considered, that their principal objection to the stamp tax, was, its being imposed by a British parliament, which had no right to tax them; for otherwise a tax by stamps is perhaps to be levied with as little inconvenience as any other that can be invented. Ireland has a stamp act of its own; but should Britain pretend to impose such a tax on the Irish people they would probably give a general opposition to it, and ought not for that to be charged with inconsistence.

One or two merchants in Boston, employing ships in the abominable African trade, may deservedly be condemned, though they do not bring their slaves home, but sell them in the West Indies. The state as such, has never, that I have heard of, given encouragement to the diabolical commerce; and there has always been fewer slaves in the New England governments, than in any other British colonies. National reflections are seldom just, and a whole people should not be decried for the crimes of a few individuals.

Your inserting this may make that brave people some amends, and will oblige one of your customers, who is

A PENNSYLVANIAN.

1

PRIVATE

POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE.

PART II.*

RELATING TO NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE, &c.

DEAR SIR,

To David Hartley, Esq., M. P.

Passy, near Paris, Oct. 14, 1777.

I RECEIVED duly your letter of May 2, '77, including a copy of one you had sent me the year before, which never came to hand, and which, it seems, has been the case with some I wrote to you from America. Filled, though our letters have always been, with sentiments of good will to both countries, and earnest desires of preventing their ruin and promoting their mutual felicity, I have been apprehensive that if it were known that a correspondence subsisted between us, it might be attended with inconvenience to you. I have therefore been backward in writing, not caring to trust the post, and not well knowing who else to trust with my letters. But being now assured of a safe conveyance, I venture to write to you, especially as I think the subject such a one as you may receive a letter upon without censure.

Happy should I have been, if the honest warnings I gave, of the fatal separation of interests as well as of affections, that must attend the measures, commenced while I was in England, had been attended to, and the horrid mischief of this abominable war been thereby prevented. I should still be happy in any successful endeavors for restoring peace, consistent with the liberties, the safety, and the honor of America. As to our submitting to the government of Great Britain, 'tis vain to think of it. She has given us, by her numberless barbarities,

* Part 1. extends from p. 339 to 398 vol. V. of this edition.