carried. A resolution in favour of Parliament being assembled at an early date was also declared carried.-P. M. G. Sept. 13th.

Maidstone, Sept. 15th. A meeting of the Conservative Party was held, and a resolution proposed deprecating agitation, as calculated to weaken the influence of England abroad. The seconder was frequently interrupted and cheers were given for Mr. Gladstone.

London, Sept. 18th. Two meetings were held. The Times notes that Exeter Hall was crowded by an audience of working men even more enthusiastic, if possible, than the assembly in the Guildhall ;1 and the bitterest foe either of Turkey or of the Government might have been satisfied by the fervour of Mr. Fawcett's denunciations. -(Sept. 19th.)

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The Daily Telegraph reports many meetings; among them one at Liverpool, where a prominent Conservative" said that “if the Government did not recognise the feeling of the country, they must follow the example of other Governments and cease to exist." (Sept. 27th.)

A great meeting at Glasgow (Sept. 19th) stands out conspicuously in the reports from over the Border; and it is noteworthy not only as a great popular demonstration, but on account of the speech delivered by the Duke of Argyll.

I begin with this proposition, that the Turkish Government is so bad, so execrably bad, that any and every rebellion against it on the part of its Christian subjects is presumably just and righteous. . . . . . When this night has passed away, and tomorrow's dawn arises, it will be the dawn of the 22nd anniversary of the battle of the Alma. . . . . . I am one of five survivors of the Cabinet which waged the Crimean War. I was the youngest member of it, but there was no difference in that tremendous responsibility. There was no member of that Cabinet, be he the youngest or be he the oldest, who had not to search his own heart whether the course we were then taking was wise and just; and this I will tell you, that if I could imagine that this policy of Lord Derby had been the legitimate result of that Crimean War, I would sit in sackcloth and ashes for the part which I then took, as one of the greatest sins of my youth. I rejoice to tell you, gentlemen, that I labour under no such conviction. On the contrary, it was the Crimean War which specially lifted us above the level of such a cold and heartless and selfish policy as this. This uprising of the people of this country rejoices one's heart to see. I feel that this policy is ended for ever. No British Government will dare in the future to exhort the Turkish Government to put down the Christian Insurgents. No Government will dare to do it in the name of the sovereign and in the

1 See post, § 5, as to the City meeting.

name of the people of this country; and I read that determination in your faces, and I hear it in your ringing cheers. (Loud applause.) Duke of Argyll at Glasgow, Sept. 19th.

It is much easier to say when the agitation commenced than when it ended. The acute agitation which sprang up with the prorogation passed into a somewhat different phase about the middle of September, but there was no diminution in the amount of attention engrossed by the question at issue. Political meetings of various kinds continued to be held in great numbers all through the autumn. The public addresses of Members of Parliament (" Parliament out of Session," to use the significant name now often adopted in the newspaper reports) assumed an unwonted prominence, and were almost exclusively devoted to the all absorbing question. Thus many of the later meetings were significant rather as defining the position of particular statesmen, than as irrepressible expressions of Public Opinion bursting spontaneously into voice. But the distinction is by no means a sharp one, and the characteristics of both types of meeting were often exhibited by the same specimen.

Meanwhile the utterances of the platform were supplemented from time to time by letters of weight in the correspondence columns of the newspapers. Thus expression was given to a great number of individual opinions of importance. Many of these

utterances, of course, bear on the special aspect of the moment. Amongst them, in connection with the first outburst of agitation we may note the following.

In my judgment an English politician should neither be philo-Turk nor pro-Christian. He should be anti-anti-Turk and anti-anti-Christian. The moment he abandons that position, he is running into danger the danger either of playing into the hands of unscrupulous intriguers, who use the Christians of the East as mere pawns in a political game, or the danger of setting himself in opposition to manifest destiny, and to the sentiment of Liberal Europe.-Grant Duff, Contemp. Rev.1 July, 1876.

Sir Charles Dilke feared to disappoint his hearers when he said that he did not take, so strongly as did many, either side in the present struggle between Turkey and her revolted provinces. He should have been more likely to carry them with him and to rouse their feelings, were he either to attempt to awaken their hostility against the intrigues of Russia or to enlist their sympathy for the oppressed Christians. He could do neither without hesitation,

1 The "Pulse of Europe." Compare same writer's "Eastern Affairs at the Close of the Session," Contemp. Rev. Sept. 1876.

or, to speak properly, he thought he could do both. He could but look at this war sadly, as the outcome of a long conflict of races, carried on with much cruelty on both sides. He believed that the faults on both sides had been such as to lead those who knew the circumstances best to look towards the future without much hope. Of a permanent peaceable arrangement he confessed that he saw no prospect.-Sir Charles Dilke at Notting Hill, Aug. 15th.

It appears to me that, although Parliament has been recently prorogued, and according to the usual flow it will not meet again till February, there is an urgent necessity for an autumn session. The barbarities, the outrages, the cruelties which prevail in the provinces of Turkey, not in one, but in several, in Bulgaria, Servia, &c., seem to me to demand an alliance of several Powers of Europe-viz. of Germany, Austria, Russia, Prussia, England, France, to combine in one firm and resolute treaty against Turkish tyranny in Europe. I care not whether Russians, Austrians, Germans, or Italians succeed them. England will only require to have the passage into the Black Sea free to all ships of war and of commerce the passage to Odessa and Varna open.—Earl Russell. T. Aug. 24th.'

It is necessary to stop the atrocities of Turkey by a strong hand, and if the Minister of Foreign Affairs does not do this Parliament must interfere. It is for this reason that I consider an autumnal session of Parliament to be necessary.— Earl Russell, in T. Sept. 4th.

Earl Russell declines an invitation to be present at a workmen's meeting arranged for Oct. 9th, feeling quite unequal to the noise and tumult. He adds: "It is well known that the Emperor of Russia opposes civil and religious liberty. I cannot wish to see Russia at the head of the government of Turkey, nor will I do anything to promote that object. If there is to be a change in Turkey I wish to see the people of Turkey intrusted with the government of their own country."-T. Oct. 6th.2

[Bosnia and Bulgaria should be constituted tributary states, like Servia.]-Mr. Forsyth, in T. Sept. 6th.

The chief merit of Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet is neither its eloquence nor its reasoning, admirable as they are, but the directness with which attention is fixed upon the only measure which furnishes a solution of the question-the grant of self-government to Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, subject to a tribute to Constantinople. . . As a preferable alternative to the stupid, ferocious Turkey tyranny, these provinces would throw themselves into the arms of Russia; but give them the management of their own affairs, and they will defend their independence against all the 1 Letter addressed to Earl Granville, a copy being sent to Times for publication. 2 The letter of Oct. 6th, which is addressed to Mr. J. A. Giles, seems to be tinged with the "erubescence" of the "Reconciliation Period" (see post, chap. xiii. § 7). These communications, if not absolutely the last, were among Earl Russell's latest public political utterances. His death took place on May 28th, 1878, at the age of eighty-five.

world. Roumania has been an obstacle thrown across the path of Russia, and self-governing Bulgaria would be an additional barrier on the way to Constantinople.-Mr. C. E. Trevelyan, in T. Sept. 11th.

The country has spoken out, the Government has spoken out.' It remains to be seen whether we should submit to have our affairs conducted in a sense directly contrary to that which our own consciences and feelings of justice require, or whether we shall be strong enough to enforce by some means or other the necessary change which we require . . . There has been a tradition in Europe which has been the pest of Europe, and that is the thing called the balance of power.-Mr. Lowe at Croydon, Sept. 13th.2

Lord Elcho observed that if he said anything upon this question that in any way seemed to strike a discordant note in the chorus of righteous sympathy, indignation, and humanity, which was at the present time issuing from press, platform, and pulpit throughout this country, he hoped they would do him the justice to think that he was not less shocked by these atrocities than the gentlemen who wrote and spoke so strongly upon that subject. Still, while he was proud to see the grand spectacle of humanity aroused, he humbly ventured the opinion that it would be an evil day for any nation to allow its foreign policy to be dictated by the pulsations of the heart, unregulated and uncontrolled by judgment and guidance of the head. There was a want of reason in the agitation when men like Lord Shaftesbury, a near relative of the late Lord Palmerston, had said that he should be glad to see the Russians at Constantinople.-Agricultural Dinner, Winchester, Sept. 15th.

If I were free from still higher obligations, I should esteem it a privilege to address a meeting of my fellow-countrymen as to our duty towards the victims and the authors of these abominable cruelties, which have filled England with wrath and horror. But I am not free. I am bound to abstain, except in my place in Parliament, from political discussion, and if I were to speak on this subject I could not so abstain. I concur, indeed, absolutely with those who have no desire for any change of Government. I concur absolutely with those who say that it would be most unjust to blame the Government, as if they had anything to do with atrocities of which they did not know, and which they could not prevent. But I absolutely differ from those who think it unjust to blame the Government for the present attitude of England towards the authors of these atrocities. The Government for all practical purposes represents England to foreign States. Those who are satisfied with the attitude of England are quite right not to blame the Government. But I am profoundly dissatisfied, nay, more, I am ashamed of it; and the two recent speeches of Lord Derby give me no reason to believe that the Government is either

1 This refers to Lord Derby's speech of Sept. 11th. See post, § 5. For subsequent letters from Mr. Lowe on this point, see post, chap. xiii.

2 See ante, "Anti-Turkism," § D, p. 88, for part of the same speech.

the one or the other, nor any ground for thinking that they are at all inclined to change the attitude of the country. ... I could not speak without giving the reason for my shame and dissatisfaction, nor without pointing out, with such energy as I can command, who I think are responsible for them. I should feel that I was merely wasting time at a meeting where I could not do this; and a public meeting is not the place for a Judge to do it. There are cases in which it may be my duty, at any risk of personal misconstruction, to try, however feebly, to arouse my countrymen to a sense of right. But they are aroused already. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Lowe have said already, with immeasurably greater power and authority, all that I wish to say; and I therefore feel bound to decline an invitation, for the kindness and courtesy of which I beg of you to convey my grateful acknowledgments to the managing committee.-Lord Coleridge, T. Sept. 22nd.1

Mr. Sergeant Simon, M.P., said they were often asked what was the use of these meetings. (A Voice: "Party purposes." Loud cheers and hisses.) He denied the imputation. Mr. Gladstone

had distinctly set forth the duty both of the nation and the Opposition. It was also said that these meetings embarrassed the action of the Government. They would not do so if the views of the Government were in accord with the national feeling. (Cheers.) The Rev. Dr. Allon moved a resolution calling for the autonomy of Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria. He pointed out how injuriously the theocratic aspect of the Turkish Government affected the nation. Mr. W. McCullagh Torrens, M.P., in supporting the motion, spoke of the process by which independence was won for Switzerland and the Netherlands. Lord Derby and Count Andrassy might bring about something of the same sort in the present instance. (Applause.) Every great Government in Europe, with one exception, was constitutional, and what he said was that England should co-operate with these free Governments-with France, Austria, Prussia, with Italy, with Holland, Switzerland, Sweden, and every other self-governed country. (A Voice: Why not Russia?) No; for Russia has no representative Government. He said what Byron, who breathed his last as a volunteer in the service of Greece, said when the Greeks were advised to put themselves under the protection of the Czar, and trust to his mercy. "How should the autocrat of bondage be The king of slaves and set the nations free?" (Loud applause.) If Russia co-operated with England let England take such aid but it should never be said that free England was afraid or unable to do what Servia and Bulgaria might be obliged to ask Russia to do for them. (Hear, hear.) Now for the remedy. The Christian States of Turkey asked for equal laws and pure tribunals, for the fair assessment and gathering of the taxes, for the discontinuance of their treatment as an inferior race, and for the right to bear arms. (Applause.) In conclusion, he asked the meeting to pronounce

1 Letter to the Committee of the Exeter meeting.