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§ 5. Feeling of "War in the Air" dispelled by Lord Derby's Reply to Deputations-(July 14th).

The phase marked by the feeling of "War in the Air" was brought to an abrupt close on July 14th by a reassuring speech delivered by Lord Derby at the Foreign Office. On that day Lord Derby received two deputations. The first was introduced by Mr. John Bright, and presented a memorial signed by upwards of forty members of Parliament, and 570 other gentlemen from all parts of Great Britain. The second deputation, introduced by Mr. Lewis Farley, presented a memorial from the “League in Aid of the Christians in Turkey," signed in the name of the League by Earl Russell.

So far as the language of their memorials went, there was no very obvious difference between the two deputations, but practically the first represented the negation of the "red" policy, and the second, the affirmation of the "violet." Still, Mr. Farley's deputation did not at that time go further than to ask for "moral support" for the insurgents, and it contained several members of the "Peace Party." On the other hand, Mr. Bright's deputation included several members who were disposed to ask for a policy more favourable to the Provincials than mere neutrality. These last gentlemen, had the deputations been divided on more accurate lines, would have found themselves among Mr. Farley's supporters.

Lord Derby's reply to Mr. Farley's deputation is chiefly remarkable for his clear enunciation of what he understood by the "Integrity of the Ottoman Empire," and for the chilling and contemptuous way in which he met the suggestion for the adoption of a policy of emancipation. He brushed it aside as something that was not practical-hardly, as it seemed, being at the pains to disentangle the policy intended from the phraseology in which it was presented. The only matter, about which he could conceive that there could be any practical question, was the possibility of England affording active support to Turkey against the Provincials, and as to this he said he thought there was no difference of opinion between himself and those he was addressing.

But it was Lord Derby's reply to Mr. John Bright's deputation which attracted most attention, and which for the time put an end to the feeling of " War in the Air."

1 Ante, p. 101.

The conclusion to which you come-namely, your desire that the Government should observe a policy of strict neutrality except where it may be able to interpose its friendly offices to hasten the close of the complication-I say as regards that expression of opinion, your feeling is absolutely and entirely mine. So far from thinking such an expression of opinion on your part premature, I am very glad, and I think that any Minister who stands in my position would be glad to know in time what your opinion and that of the country is. I have often thought that it is one of the most difficult parts of the duty of a Minister in a Parliamentary country that, being as he is in practice the servant of Parliament and of the public, as well as of the Queen, he does not always receive his instructions from his employers beforehand, but is left to guess what it is that they would desire him to do, and he only ascertains their real feeling when he finds that he has gone against it. (A laugh.) I hope that there is no risk of anything like that in our present

case.

...

[The despatch of the fleet was] an act upon which a construction has been put very different from that which would have been put if those who criticise it had been following out step by step the course of events which led to it. . . . It was a step taken by us simply as one of, and acting in concert with, the other Great Powers. It does happen that when you talk of fleets, ours is considerably the biggest (a laugh); and, therefore, more attention was called to its being brought up than in the case of the others. . . So far as it is possible for any one to forecast the future of events, I think it is the most improbable thing in the world that, in consequence of anything that is now passing within the limits of the Turkish Empire, a general European war should ensue. (Loud and general applause.) That seems to me one of those hypotheses which are so remote that it is scarcely worth while to speculate upon them. (Cheers.) I do not see the quarter from which the war is to come.

[The understanding recently arrived at between the Czar and the Emperor of Austria] proceeds entirely upon the bases which you laid down, and which I assent to (cheers)-namely, that of rigid and absolute non-intervention while this struggle continues, such non-intervention not, of course, excluding any efforts of mediation which may seem calculated to lead to good results.

[The doctrine of absolute indifference had never been professed by this country and would not be popular with the nation at large.] No one is more strongly for non-intervention within all reasonable and practical limits than I have been and am (loud cheers); but we must push no doctrine to an extreme, and an absolute declaration of non-intervention under all circumstances is a declaration of international anarchy, and I need not tell you that international anarchy does not mean either international peace or progress. We have done what was in our power to prevent this war from breaking out. In that we failed. We shall now do what

...

is in our power to keep it within certain limits. (Cheers.) As regards intervention between Turkey and the subjects of the Porte, or between Turkey and the semi-independent States which form part of the Turkish Empire, that is a question which has never been so much as entertained. (Hear, hear.) We will endeavour to impress that view upon others, and I have every reason to hope that we shall succeed. If, as it has been said, the Turkish Empire is in a state of decay from internal causes-that is a question upon which I pronounce no opinion,-but if that is so, it is clear that merely external assistance would be no remedy. (Cheers.) The utmost that can be asked of us is to see fair play. We undertook undoubtedly twenty years ago to guarantee the sick man against murder, but we never undertook to guarantee him against suicide or sudden death. (Cheers.) Now that, gentlemen, is in a few words our policy as regards this war now going on. We shall not intervene; we shall do our utmost, if necessary, to discourage others from intervening (cheers); but I don't believe that under the present circumstances it will be necessary. opportunity of mediation should offer itself-and that does not seem to be an unlikely event-we shall gladly avail ourselves of it.--Lord Derby at F. O. July 14th.

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The policy which Lord Derby expounded, it will have been observed, was primarily one of "Order." He carefully guarded himself from giving any pledge of non-intervention in the popular sense. Indeed, his words carefully considered would seem to indicate an intention to interpose should interposition become necessary to resist Russian intermeddling. But these considerations were perhaps hardly immediately appreciated, and the general impression produced was that the English Government was for a policy of neutrality generally, on the part of this country, throughout the complications. Besides, the Servian effort had not yet failed. Moreover, Lord Derby's strong expression of incredulity as to any danger that any great Power would be involved in the war was of itself calculated to produce the widespread feeling of relief which immediately followed his speech.

Be this as it may, it is certain that for the moment his statement had a most sedative effect. In thanking Lord Derby for his speech,

Mr. Bright said: My own impression is that it will have a very salutary effect in all parts of the country. At this moment there is... a great gloom over almost all the industrial and commercial interests of the country. It is impossible to say how much is due to one cause and how much to another, but no doubt the whole is greatly aggravated by the threatened war. I think that the speech we have heard will have some influence in removing some of that gloom and in dispersing some of the clouds which are now hanging

over us, and I think I may say that the speech Lord Derby has delivered to us is one calculated to give satisfaction to the country as it gives satisfaction to us.-Mr. J. Bright, July 14th.

But critics were not wanting who marvelled that the acts of the Ministry in the past should be susceptible of such different glosses, and who saw how many, and how large were the questions that were still left unanswered for the future.

Lord Derby's reply to the deputation which waited upon him yesterday will give an immense relief to the country, and with good reason. It was not merely that he expressed so strong an opinion as he did in favour of the ultimate preservation of the peace of Europe; it was the ground on which that opinion had been formed.-P. M. G. July 15th.

The Times remarks that as the public is likely to be as much pleased as Mr. Bright and his friends, the Government will probably see the wisdom of keeping strictly to Lord Derby's lines. But it is worthy of notice that the Foreign Secretary thinks fit to repudiate an interpretation of the despatch of the fleet to Besika Bay which has prevailed without contradiction for so many weeks, not only at home, but abroad, and in Constantinople itself, and has been credited with great political consequences. (July 15th.)

The Standard hopes Lord Derby's reply to the deputation will put an end once for all to the absurd misrepresentations of the policy of her Majesty's Government which a certain section of the Opposition has been industriously spreading. At any rate, there will be no excuse for pretending to believe that Ministers are aiding the Turks in oppressing the Christians.-(July 15th.)

It is no exaggeration to say that Lord Derby's speech has made an absolute change in the common appreciation of our policy in the East. A very simple consideration will illustrate the effect it has produced. . . . Just forty members of the House of Commons were found ready to sign this memorial. It was thought a bold and even a dangerous thing to press the duties of neutrality upon the Foreign Office, and members of the Opposition were as shy of hinting at it as supporters of the Ministry. . . . The Foreign Secretary having thus replied to the memorial almost by accepting as his own its cardinal expressions, there would be no difficulty this afternoon in obtaining in the House of Commons 200 or 300 signatures to the Address for which forty were hardly collected on Friday.-T. July 17th.

This is the third time this year that the Foreign Secretary has been engaged in making out that some act which his colleagues would gladly have seen described as brilliant and daring statesmanship is really but a piece of prudent and necessary business 1

1 The two other occasions referred to were the purchase of the Suez Canal shares and the Royal Titles Bill.

. . . . In the same spirit the Foreign Secretary toned down public opinion yesterday as to the presence of our fleet in Besika Bay. There was no political intention whatever in the event, as the Foreign Secretary views it. . . . We fear that there are not a few of Lord Derby's political followers who will hardly thank him for thus reducing to a mere act of necessary precaution the measure which in some quarters had been regarded as the first illustration in action of the spirited foreign policy which England had so long been bidden to expect. The assurances which the deputation received from Lord Derby had to do only with the neutrality of the Government during the war as it at present shows itself.D. N. July 15th.

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Abroad, as well as at home, the reply of Lord Derby to the deputation of Friday last has created a remarkable impression. The Exchanges have taken heart again, and securities of various kinds have revived as flowers do when the rain falls after a long drought.... While we all bask, however, in this prediction of peace -which it would be unfair to forget can only be an opinion-and while a section among us rejoice that, if Turkey must not be exactly murdered, she can at all events perish, unpitied and unassisted, by felo-de-se or internal disease, we would once more invoke a recollection of British interests, of historical logic and of international fair play before the Eastern Blue Book appears. Lord Derby's words about the limits of non-intervention must be remembered. . . . England is still held by the Treaty of 1856 not to see Turkey murdered, and we would warn some among us to study the problem better before they so passionately desire her end by suicide or decay. At present she is tolerably active for a moribund Power, and some of those who have "sold the lion's skin " may yet die in hunting the lion. It is possible that the Turks may close the war in Belgrade, and nothing can be more immoral than the statement that Servia ought not to suffer whether she win or lose in this wilful strife. The "autonomisers," among their other plans, would do well to be ready for the vigorous counter-blows which the Porte is likely soon to strike at its rebellious vassals, and for such an issue as the reconquest of Servia, and her sentence to pay the expenses of the war. The Sultan, at any rate, asks nothing better than the non-intervention which the deputation seemed so happy to hear about.-D. T. July 17th.

It is somewhat singular, but very characteristic, that a declaration of this importance should, even before the prorogation, be made by a Secretary of State to a deputation, instead of in his place in Parliament.1

The Times gravely affected to condole with Lord Derby on the

1 To Lord Granville's inquiry on this point, Lord Derby simply replied that it was not usual for a Minister who was not questioned, and confronted by no motion, to volunteer a general statement.-H. of L. July 31st.

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