or to the luxurious indulgence of uncontrolled emotion.-P. M. G. Aug. 30th.

The enterprise of searching out and dwelling upon atrocities has itself become an atrocity of a most disgusting kind.-Standard, Aug. 31st.

The publication of Mr. Baring's report is not now of course the important event which it would have been a month ago. The truth about the Bulgarian atrocities has been placed substantially beyond doubt for some time past; and no one expected that the published result of Mr. Baring's inquiries would materially alter the complexion of the terrible story. Nor has it done so. Its importance consists only in the fact that it is a confirmation of that story not only by new evidence, but by evidence of a new kind-the testimony, that is to say, of a calm and unimpassioned inquirer. And all that it has done has been to explode a few extravagant stories and to reduce the estimate of victims by a few thousands. It matters little from this point of view whether 12,000, or 15,000, or 20,000 Bulgarians have fallen victims to the savagery of the Turkish soldiery; the crime is great enough on the lowest estimate to justify to the full the indignation which has been aroused in this country. Nor has any one denied its justice even before this Report appeared. All that has been urged is that it should be kept within bounds of reason and directed to proper objects. And one of these is clearly indicated in the Report the punishment of those primarily responsible for the sanction or the direct encouragement of the outrages. This, it seems to us, ought not only to be demanded by Europe of the Porte, but ought at once to be conceded by Turkey as an elementary proof of her right to remain a member of the community of civilised nations. That such miscreants as Achmet Agha should have been decorated and not hanged is in itself too gross an outrage upon public decency. Demands should at once be made for their condign punishment, and Turkey must listen to and obey them. If this cannot be done, nothing can be done. It is idle to talk of enforcing réforms upon Turkey, of compelling her to do this or that, if she can defy her civilised neighbours in respect of so simple and fundamental a duty of good government as this. We do not argue that Europe should be content with the punishment of these wretches. She may rightly demand more, but she must at least demand this; and the consideration of further demands appears almost premature until at least this poor satisfaction has been insisted on and obtained.-P. M. G. Sept. 20th.

The most important aspect of the influence upon Public Opinion was the enormous volume of feeling that was produced in England by the news of the atrocities. But a word must be said as to the quality of the effect produced by this new factor.

(1) Previously the question had been confined to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Now Bulgaria was added to the problem. Thus the sphere of contention was enlarged locally. A greater "dismemberment" of Turkey was thus necessary to give effect to the " violet" policy.

(2) An impetus was given to the sentimental as distinguished from the purely diplomatic factors of anti-Turkism. Previously the Spectator, for instance, had talked of the government of the Turks as being "on the whole as bad as that of King Bomba,” and of the insurgents as being "at least as much in the right as ever the Italians were." 1 But after the atrocities people got to look on Turkish rule as something generically distinct from mere bad government. Moreover the news reached England at a time when Turkey was said to be reforming. It is true that the wholesale massacres and outrages which were spoken of pre-eminently as the "Bulgarian atrocities" had been done under the old régime, but the new Government by rewarding their authors had adopted them. Not only so, but the reports from Bulgaria showed that the cruelties could not be regarded merely as a flash of vengeance, however savage, which had passed away with the emergency which excited it. The Provincials were in a chronic state of terror. Atrocities, if on a smaller scale, were still going on.

At present the Christians are afraid to go about the country, and the peasants dare not even work in the fields at any distance from the villages.-(Mr. Baring's Report).2

Thus the conclusion was driven inexorably home that the disease of Turkish government was something essential, radical and incurable. This is the key-note of anti-Turkism.

(3) A strong feeling of the necessity of doing something was engendered by the knowledge that the outrages were still going on though in a less virulent form, and that periods of renewed virulence might recur. Moreover Public Opinion was confirmed in its belief in its own powers by seeing that it had stimulated the Government to take some action, which already appeared to be effecting some good.

I have very great pleasure in saying that the action of the English Press and Parliament has saved very much suffering and probably very many lives. It was a surprise to the Turks here to learn that England was indignant at the cruelties which were desolating Bulgaria. They were really alarmed as well as surprised, 1 Ante, p. 303. 2 Compare Mr. MacGahan's letter, D. N. ante, p. 333, note.

and the Commission which was sent by the Turkish Government last week has already done much to put an end to the judicial atrocities let me say at once to the Bloody Assize, which was succeeding the cruelties in the villages. Men were released in great numbers from Philippopolis on the very day when Mr. Baring was leaving Constantinople.-Constantinople Correspondent, D. N. Aug. 2nd.

(4) At the same time a combative temper had been roused in Public Opinion by the dogged resistance which the Government seemed to be opposing to its desires. Not a little of the vehement feeling exhibited with respect to the atrocities was probably due to this circumstance.

(5) A new light was cast upon the action of Servia and Montenegro. The wrongs of the Provincials must have excited there a far stronger feeling than even in England. The hypothesis of Russian intrigue, even if allowed to be a real one, became entirely unnecessary to account for the impulse that drove them on to war against Turkey at the beginning of July. Thus not only was the sympathy in England for the subject Christian populations increased, but Englishmen were led to rate far more highly the feeling by which the subject Christians and their free neighbours were animated.

§ 3. The Servian Campaign (to the Suspension of Hostilities).

Simultaneously with the story of the Atrocities, another account was being received in England which, though in a lesser degree, had also its effect in guiding the course of Public Opinion. This was the narrative of the course of the Servian war. Its chief importance lay in this, that it showed that the strength of Turkey had been underrated, and that if the great Powers should decide to stand aloof, the result of such a policy would be not only that the tributary principalities would not be able to work out the deliverance of the subject Provincials, but that they might themselves again be brought under the yoke.

Hence while at the beginning of July those who looked at the efforts of Servia to accomplish the emancipation of the Provincials from the Turkish Power might be satisfied with a policy of strict neutrality, they became more and more anxious for the adoption of an active "violet" policy as the events of the short campaign developed themselves. On the other hand, the number of Russian volunteers that flocked to the Servian ranks, and above all the fact

that a Russian general, Tchernaieff, was at Prince Milan's side and in high command, strongly excited the jealousy of those who could see nothing but Russian intrigue in the movement against Turkey, and thus tended to reinforce the "red" policy.1 The war actually came considerably after the massacres in point of time; but just as when we are looking at two stars, we see them not as they are now, but as they were when the light left them, the more distant one in a condition earlier perhaps by years than that of the other, so the English public saw as it were simultaneously the massacres and the course of the war.

War was formally declared by Servia on July 1st and by Montenegro on July 2nd. In Montenegro Prince Nikita maintained a partly successful contest against the Turks under Mukhtar Pasha, on whom he inflicted a severe defeat on July 28th, taking prisoner Osman Pasha, Mukhtar's second in command. Another victory of the Montenegrins was reported on August 14th, and some further success early in September.

But it was on the efforts of the Servians that the result mainly depended. The campaign opened with an offensive movement of the Servian force, which shot out from the south-eastern corner of Servia, and passing the fortress of Nisch seemed to threaten Sofia. Such a movement for a moment gave colour to the prevalent impression that the Provincials and Tributary States could, unaided, work out their own deliverance. But before the end of July it appeared that the fighting power of Turkey had been underrated, and the correspondent at Belgrade writes:

The Servian war has virtually collapsed. . . . No Servian troops are now outside the frontier on the south-eastern front. . . . Henceforth the aggressive is quite abandoned. Servia's ambition goes no further than self-defence and the warding off of invasion. ... The deepest despondency reigns in Belgrade among those best acquainted with the situation, and although at headquarters men strive to show a good front, there is much gloom at heart.— Belgrade Correspondent in D. N. July 26th.

However, the struggle was not over. The Servians fought with renewed determination when on their own soil. Moreover, each manifestation of Servian weakness seemed to stimulate the stream of Russian volunteers, chiefly officers, who now began to pour into Servia.

1 The Times correspondent at Belgrade notes as ominous that, "Up to the present Prince Milan was, nominally at least, Commander-in-Chief of the Servian army. He is so no longer; of course, by consent of his Highness, Tchernaieff is appointed to the command held by the Prince."-T. Aug. 9th.

The Servians were now reduced to the defensive. To the eastward, Horvatovich stood fronting the enemy along the line of the Timok, while at Alexinatz, Prince Milan with General Tchernaieff blocked the Morava Valley which leads from the south-eastern corner of Servia straight to Belgrade. But the loss of Saitschar, about Aug. 5th, after several days' hard fighting, broke the eastern line of defence; and it seemed probable that the Turks might soon come pouring down into the Morava Valley from the eastward, and behind Tchernaieff's back. But for a moment the Turkish generals seemed inert. It now began to be recognised, however, that the Servians, unaided, would hardly be able to defend their own territory.

It is very miserable. One's heart aches at the spectacle of a proud and sanguine people forced to realise the bitter truth of defeat. The cruel force of circumstances is slowly but surely compelling the Servian Ministers to face the necessity of making terms. They are groping in a helpless, dazed, stunned sort of way in search of some device that may procure an arrestment of hostilities. -Belgrade Correspondent, Aug. 12th. D. N. Aug. 18th.

The invasion of Servia by the Turkish forces forced a new consideration upon public attention. To understand the feelings with which it was watched in England, account must be taken of something more than the purely military, or the purely political situation. It was not merely, as it might be in the case of two European Powers, the sympathy which attached to a brave military defence, or to the gallant struggle of a small State for political independence. Over and above these considerations there was the thought of women and children, of non-combatants, and of wounded and captive combatants too, whose personal safety would have been assured in any European war, but with whom, in the present case, it was far otherwise.

As early as July 28th the Daily News published a letter from its correspondent with Prince Milan which drew attention to this consideration, and various confirmatory communications from the correspondents of the Times and Daily News followed.

Every tongue is charged and every heart is full of wellauthenticated tidings of Turkish atrocities committed on the inoffensive peasant folk of the frontier villages in districts where there can be no pretence for severity for military reasons. The men are gone from the villages of the Greuze; the victims are the miserable women and hapless children. Burning wrecking, butchery and violation, constitute to all appearance the enjoined