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there is no stoppage of accumulation; but that accumulation, on the contrary, goes on at present in most directions at an average annual rate, or at a rate greater than the average. Another eminent political economist and statistician, the late Mr Dudley Baxter, who read a paper on the "National Wealth of the United Kingdom" before the Statistical Society of London on the 21st of January 1868, just ten years before Mr Giffen, took a far less hopeful view than the latter about the constancy of increase of the national wealth. He expressed his belief that, while "the income of England is the largest of any nation, and shows wonder. ful good fortune and prosperity, we must not forge that it rests on an unstable foundation. The turn of trade, or obstinacy and shortsightedness in our working-classes, or a great naval war, may drive us from the markets of the world, and bring down our auxiliary as well as our productive industries." Mr Dudley Baxter wound up bis conclusions with an eloquent warning. 46 England's position,' he exclaimed," is not that of a great landed proprietor, with an assured revenue, and only subject to occasional loss of crops, or hostile depredations. It is that of a great merchant who, by im. mense skill and capital, has gained the front rank, and developed an enormous commerce, but has to support an ever increasing host of dependants. He has to encounter the risks of trade, and to face jealous rivals, and can only depend on continued good judgment and fortune, with the help of God, to maintain himself and his successors in the foremost place among the nations of the world."

XV. Government and Laws.

As England stands alone in the greatness of her wealth, the extent of her commerce, and the vastness of her manuta factures, so also does she hold a unique place among nations as regards her government. Under the nominal form of an hereditary monarchy, with restricted powers, the nation is actually governed by two Houses of Parliament, whose laws, when assented to by the sovereign, form the statutes of the realm. It has been already remarked in the article CONSTITUTION AND ConstitutionAL LAW that, in respect of her government, "England differs conspicuously from most other countries. Her constitution is to a large extent unwritten, using the word in much the same sense as when we speak of unwritten law. Its rules can be found in no written document, but depend, as so much of English law does, on precedent modified by a constant process of interpretation." One of the most thoughtful of modern political writers, the late Mr Walter Bagehot, sketched, in perhaps fewer words than any other, the nature of this unwritten and constantly modified constitution in its most recent aspect. "The efficient secret of the English constitution," he says, "may be described as the close union, the nearly complete fusion, of the cxecutive and legislative powers. According to the traditional theory, as it exists in all the books, the goodness of our constitution consists in the entire separation of the legislative and executive authorities; but in truth its merit consists in their singular approximation. The connecting link is the Cabinet. By that new word we mean a committee of the legislative body selected to be the executive body. The legislature has many committees, but this is its greatest. It uses for this, its main committee, the men in whom it has most confidence. It does not, it is true, choose them directly; but it is nearly omnipotent in choosing them indirectly." It is a striking illustration of the fact of the constitution of England being "unwritten" that the Cabinet, though universally and undisputedly admitted to represent the Government of the country, remains utterly unknown as such both to the written law and the legislature. The names of the persons who compose the Cabinet for the time being are never officially announced, nor are there even any official records of its meetings, or of the resolutions which may have been come to at them by the members. Strangest of all, the Cabinet, virtually nominated by the legislative body, and depending for its existence on a majority of supporters in it, has never yet been formally recognized by any Act of Parliament.

Although the assumption of the executive by a committee of the legislature is of comparatively modern date, forming.

diction

ment.

as Lord Macaulay says, "the great English revolution of Power the 17th century," the supreme authority of parliament is an of ancient date, forming a part of the common law of the of par realm. "The power and jurisdiction of parliament," Sir Edward Coke laid down the rule, "is so transcendent and absolute that it cannot be confined, either for causes or persons, within any bounds." With equal emphasis, Sir William Blackstone added that to parliament "that absolute despotic power, which must in all governments reside somewhere, is entrusted by the constitution of these kingdoms." In constitutional fiction, parliament consists of three "estates of the realm," namely, first, the Lords Spiritual, secondly, the Lords Temporal, and thirdly, the Commons; but the more modern form of division is that into two Houses, described as the Upper and Lower, or that of the Lords and the Commons (See PARLIAMENT.) Strictly speaking, a member of the Upper House is a parliamentary representative equally with one of the Lower House, but in ordinary language, representing, as often it does, great facts, the title of "member of parliament" is only given to members of the House of Commons.

House a

The Upper House, or House of Lords, consists of a vary- The ing number of members as regards the representation of Lords. England, but fixed with respect to Scotland and Ireland. In the official "Roll of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal," issued at the commencement of the parliamentary session of 1878, the number of members of the Upper House was returned at exactly 500, the list comprising 5 members of the royal family, 2 archbishops, 21 dukes, 19 marquesses, 113 earls, 24 viscounts, 24 bishops, 248 barons, 16 Scottish representative peers, and 28 representative peers of Ireland. All the peers of England, as well as those whose patent of peerage is for the United Kingdom, have seats and votes in the House of Lords, but the peers of Scotland and Ireland are represented only by delegates, those for Scotland being elected for every new parliament and those for Ireland for life.

created

The Government, througn the sovereign, has an unre- Peerages stricted power for creating new peerages, which at times since has been largely used for political purposes. During the 1837. reign of Queen Victoria, up to the end of 1877, there were created 151 new peerages under various administrations. The 151 peers so created form at present more than onethird of the House of Lords, deducting from its roll the spiritual and representative members. Nearly three-fourths of the existing peerages have been created since the accession of the House of Hanover.

tions

House of

The actual functions of the House of Lords, as a branchi of the legislature, are not very clearly defined; but it is Funegenerally assumed that it has a revising faculty over all bills o passed by the Commons, except those relating to the public ords revenue and expenditure. As a rule, a very small number of peers take part in the work of a session, and the extremely limited attendance is signified by the rule that three members are sufficient to form a quorum in the Upper House, while there must be 40 in the Lower House. One of the reasons of non-attendance of the members of the House of Lords in former times was their special privilege of vot ing by proxy, which has now, however, fallen into disuse. Most of the sittings of the Upper House are not only very short, but irregular, the custom being to adjourn "during pleasure," which means that the lord chancellor, or the deputy speaker, may, in the exercise of his discretion, two other peers being present, take his seat on the woolsack, and order business to proceed at any hour during the day. Besides its legislative functions, the House is invested with high judicial powers, forming the supreme court of appeal

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it in actual power and authority. It is a power constantly | boroughs, and universities of each of the three divisions of on the increase, and tending to absorb all others, having the United Kingdom, with the number of electors on the proved the most auspicious for Government. register, was as follows at the end of June 1877:

"Whatever may have been the circumstances," says Dr Hearn, of Melbourne, in his elaborate work on the government of England, which led to the gradual formation of parliamentary government, the cause of its continuance is clear. In practical politics, as in every other art, the great test of excellence is success. But in at least British communities, the success of parliamentary government does not admit of doubt. As Edward I. found the supplies voted by the representatives of his burgesses more profitable than the tollages at which he assessed their constituents, so experience has shown to later sovereigns the great advantage to their govern. ment of our modern system. Where in former times the only remedy for misgovernment, real or supposed, was a change of dynasty, the evil is now corrected at no greater cost than that of a ministerial crisis. Where in former times serious evils were endured because the remedy was worse than the disease, even trivial incon. veniences now excite universal complaints, and meet with speedy remedy."

Although politically omnipotent, the House of Commons Length cannot prolong its own existence beyond seven years. Tho sions of average duration of parliaments in the present century has been three years and eight months, a term almost exactly of Com. coinciding with the average duration of Cabinets within the period. The following table gives the dates at which the parliaments of the United Kingdom-dating from the union of Great Britain with Ireland, which took effect on the 1st of January 1800-met and were dissolved :—

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The constitution of the House of Commons, as framed by tution the Reform Bills of 1832 and 1867-68, is that of a body House of 658 members, elected by nearly universal suffrage, but in very unequal electoral divisions. Under the English Reform Act of 1867, extended, with slight changes, to Scotland and Ireland in 1868, the franchise was given to all householders in boroughs, and occupiers of lands or houses rated at no less than £12 in counties, thus admitting to the right of electing members of parliament the majority of the adult male population, with the sole exception of the class of agricultural labourers. The elections, under an Act passed in 1872, take place by secret vote and ballot. It appears from an annual return made by order of the House of Commons that, at the end of June 1877, the total number of its constituents in England and Wales amounted to 2,377,761, while in Scotland at the same date the number was 302,313, and in Ireland 231,265. The number of members returned, respectively, for the countics,

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It is stated in a recent parliamentary return that, if the allotment of members of parliament to each of the threa divisions of the United Kingdom were regulated solely by population, on the basis of the last census, England and Wales should have 493, Scotland 60, and Ireland 97 representatives; while if the allotment were made according to contributions to the public revenue, England and Wales' should have 514, Scotland 79, and Ireland 57 members.

Cabine

It has become the most important function of the House The of Commons in modern times to appoint the Government for the time being, and, more immediately, those leading members of the Government, headed by the prime minister, known as the Cabinet. Far reaching as is the legislative authority of the elected representatives of the nation, it naturally must stand in the background of this higher power of choosing the rulers of the country, since the latter, besides guiding the executive, likewise are the more immediate framers of all the laws that are passed. "The legislature," says Mr Bagehot, in his already quoted work,

66

chosen, in name, to make laws, in fact finds its principal business in making and in keeping an executive." It has come to be tacitly understood that the leading statesman of the political party possessing a majority in the House of Commons must fill the place of prime minister, officially styled first lord of the treasury, while the other chief mon of the party have a claim to become members of the

Cabinet.

"The leading minister selected," says Mr Bagehot, "has to choose his associates, but he only chooses among a charmed circle. The position of most men in parliament forbids their being invited vited. Between the compulsory list whom he must take, and the to the Cabinet; the position of a few men ensures their being in. impossible list whom he cannot take,. a prime minister's independent choice in the formation of a cabinet is not very large; it extends rather to the division of cabinet offices than to the choice of cabinet ministers. Parliament and the nation have pretty well settled who shall have the first places; but they have not discriminated with the same accuracy which men shall have which place. The highest patronage of a prime minister is, of course, a considerable and it is far less than it seems to be when stated in theory, or power, though it is exercised under close and imperative restrictions, looked at from a distance. The Cabinet, in a word, is a board of control chosen by the legislature, out of persons whom it trusta and knows, to rule the nation."

There is no fixed number of members for the Cabinet, any more than of regular meetings of the members admitted to it. In recent years the number of members varied from eleven to sixteen, the former, the lowest ever attained,

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being in 1876, under the premiership of Mr Disraeli, just previous to his elevation to the peerage under the title of earl of Beaconsfield. All Cabinets yet formed included the following nine members of the administration :—the prime minister, the lord chancellor, the lord president of the council, the chancellor of the exchequer, and the secretaries of state presiding over the departments of foreign affairs, war, India, the colonies, and home affairs. To these nine members there are usually added various others, most frequently the first lord of the Admiralty, the postmastergeneral, the chief secretary for Ireland, and the president of the Board of Trade. (See also the article CABINET.)

The Cabinet does not constitute more than about onefourth part of the executive, or what is generally called the Government. With every change of administration, necessitated by the expressed will of the House of Commons, from forty to fifty political heads of department have to quit their places, to make room for men belonging to the party which can claim a parliamentary majority. Besides the departments already mentioned, whose heads are generally, or sometimes, included in the Cabinet, there are others of great importance, such as the Committee of Council on Education, the Local Government Board, the Office of Works and Public Buildings, and the various departments for the collection of the national revenue, considered to form part of the Government, or, more correctly, the administration. The chief officers of all these branches of the administration change with the Cabinet, with the exception of the heads of the departments of the customs, excise, stamps, and taxes, who hold permanent appointments. Subject to political changes likewise are the great law officers of the crown, the lord chancellor, attorneygeneral, solicitor-general, and judge-advocate-general of England, the lord-advocate and solicitor-general of Scotland, and the lord chancellor, attorney-general, and solicitorgeneral for Ireland. These, as all the other members of the political administration, hold office "durante bene placito," instead of, as the administrators of the law, or judges, "quamdiu bene se gesserint."

In closest contact with the constitution, and government ad of England, and similar to them in nearly every respect, are its laws and their administration. Unlike most other countries, England has no code of laws; nor would codification be easily possible, seeing that the principles which govern the national jurisprudence are, like those which lie at the basis of the constitution, as much "unwritten," as "written." Broadly, the whole body of laws may be divided into two classes, namely, first, those springing from immemorial usage, sanctified by judicial decisions, and, secondly, those springing from parliamentary enactments. The former, in their nature, take far deeper root in the national life than in the latter. This is expressed by the fact that there were law exponents, or judges, long before there were law-makers, or legislators. The most ancient of English courts, that of King's or Queen's Bench-in its correct legal title, "the Court of the King before the King himself," coram ipso rege-was far older than parliament itself, for it can be traced back clearly, both in character and the essence of its jurisdiction, to the reign of King Alfred. Not much less ancient thau "the Court of the King before the King" was the Court of Chancery, which acted for ages as the fountain of justice, the officina justitiæ, forming the origin of the courts of common law. The independence of the Courts of King's Bench and of Chancery was destroyed by the Judicature Act of 1871, exactly 1000 years after the accession of Alfred.

The Judicature Act of 1871, amended and enlarged in Ja 1873, and in operation from the 1st of November 1875, made very important alterations in the administration of justice in England. By its provisions, aiming centrally at

a fusion of the judicature for the better distribution of judicial force, there was formed a single court, called the "High Court," divided into five departments, called respectively the Queen's Bench, the Chancery, the Common Pleas, the Exchequer, and the Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty divisions. It is in these divisions that is vested the administration of the law, while the "High Court," or, more fully, the "High Court of Justice," as such, can scarcely be said to have any existence. It is, as one of the judges described it soon after the passing of the Judicature Act, an ens rationis,-that is, it exists only in theory, or in contemplation of law.

law and

At the head of the judicial administration of the kingdom, General as at present constituted, stands the Lord High Chancellor of courts of Great Britain, a political officer changing with the Cabinet, judges. presiding over the supreme Court of Judicature, and forming part also of the judicial committee of the Privy Council, sitting as a court of appeal. There are annually about 100 cases heard and determined before the judicial committee of the Privy Council, and seldom less than 300 cases "remaining for hearing" or in arrears, the number tending to increase. All the judges of the divisious of the High Court form part of the judicial committee of the Privy Council, which has besides four special paid judges. President of the first of the five divisions of the High Court of Justice, the Queen's Bench, is the lord chief justice of England, under whom are four "puisne justices," while the second division, the Chancery, is presided over by the Master of the Rolls, who has at his side three vice-chancellors administering law in the vice-chancellor's courts. Within the Chancery division are the great seal patent office, and office of the commissioners of patents for inventions, the designs registry, and the trade marks registry. In the third of the divisions of the High Court, the Common Pleas, the president has the title of lord chief justice, and in the fourth, the Exchequer, that of lord chief baron, the former having under him four "puisņe justices," and the latter four "puisne barons." Finally, in the fifth division, that of Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty cases, there is one president and one judge, with an admiralty advocate, queen's proctor, and an admiralty proctor. (See also COURT, vol. vi., p. 516.)

of courts

Besides the great courts of law, which, like the fore- Circuits going, have jurisdiction all over the kingdom, there are a of assize. number of courts exercising local jurisdiction within counties, boroughs, and other defined districts. Foremost among the courts of local jurisdiction are those of assize. The great inconvenience of resort by suitors from distant parts to the seat of the central courts of law led, from a very early period, to the appointment of justices "in eyre," or itinerant judges, authorized to hear civil and criminal causes within a prescribed circuit.

These circuits of assize, altered at various times, are at present seven in number, denominated respectively the South-Eastern or Home, the Midland, the Northern, the Oxford, the Western, the North Wales arid Chester, and the South Wales circuits. The South-Eastern or Home circuit embraces the counties of Herts, Essex, Hunts, Cambridge, Suffolk, Norfolk, Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, the assizes being held at Hertford, Chelmsford, Huntingdon, Cambridge, Ipswich, Bury St Edmunds, Norwich, Maidstone, Lewes, and Kingston; the Midland, the counties of Bedford, Bucks, Derby, Leicester, Lincoln, Notts, Northampton, Rutland, and Warwick, with assizes at Bedford, Aylesbury, Derby, Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, North ampton, Oakham, and Warwick; the Northern, the coun ties of Cumberland, Westmoreland, Lancashire, Durham, Northumberland, and York, the assizes being held at Car lisle, Appleby, Lancaster, Manchester, Liverpool, Durham Newcastle, York, and Leeds: the Oxford circuit, the coun

Central

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ties of Berks, Oxford, Worcester, Stafford, Shropshire, Hereford, Monmouth, and Gloucester, the assizes being held at Reading, Oxford, Worcester, Stafford, Shrewsbury, Hereford, Monmouth, and Gloucester; and the Western circuit, the counties of Hants, Wilts, Dorset, Devon, Cornwall, and Somerset, with assizes at Winchester, Devizes, Dorchester, Exeter, Bodmin, and Taunton. The North Wales and Chester circuit extends over Montgomery, Merioneth, Carnarvon, Anglesey, Denbigh, Flint, and Cheshire, assizes being held at Welshpool, Dolgelly, Carnarvon, Beaumaris, Ruthin, Mold, and Chester; the South Wales Circuit embraces Pembroke, Cardigan, Carmarthen, Glamorgan, Brecon, and Radnor, with assizes at Haverfordwest, Cardigan, Carmarthen, Swansea, Brecon, and Presteign. In every circuit there are at least two assizes held every year, mostly in spring and summer; but in the more populous circuits there are also winter assizes. The appointments of the judges for the various assizes are made out in the Chancery division of the High Court of Justice, the custom being to let the selection take place by mutual agreement among the members of the judicial bench.

Among the other local courts of jurisdiction deserving criminal notice are the Central Criminal Court of London, the Boty Middlesex Sessions, and the Surrey Sessions. The Central Criminal Court, sitting at the Old Bailey, tries, as indicated by its name, only criminal cases, the sessions, presided over by a judge, taking place once every month throughout the year. Different in organization from the Central Criminal Court are the two metropolitan law courts, going by the names of the Middlesex Sessions and the Surrey Sessions. These courts, instituted, not only for the trial of prisoners, but for various administrative purposes, such as the licensing of public-houses, and the inspection of weights and measures, are composed of county justices, or, as they are commonly called, magistrates, presided over by a chairman and assistant judge. Similar in constitution to the Middlesex and Surrey Sessions are the general and quarter sessions of other counties. They are held in the first week after March 31, June 24, October 11, and December 28, it

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Adulta, education of, 250.
Agricultural returns, 224.
Agriculturists, number of, 225.
Almahouses, 255.

Area of counties, 220
Armour-clad ships, 246:
Army, cost of maintenance,

244; strength of, 245. Asylums, 255.

Births, deaths, & mariages, 221.
Bishoprics, number and income
of, 248.
Boroughs, 218

Cabinet, constitution of, 260.
Canala, 238,

Capital, national, 258.
Census, 220.

Central Criminal Court, 262.
Charitable institutions, 258.
Charity commissioners, 253.
Church of England, 247.
Cinque porta, 218.
Circuits of assize, 261.
Civil divisions, 217 -
Clays, production of, 229.
Clergy, number of, 219,
Climate, 217.

Counties, 218; area and pop.,
224; grazing and corn, 224.
County sessions, 262,
Court of Judicature, 261.
Courts of assize, 261,
Crime, statistics of, 250.
Criminals, number & age, 251,
Crops, acreage of different, 225.
Customs, at principal ports,

235; revenue from, 242.
Deaths, number of, 221.
Debt, national, 248.

Dissenters, number of, 246.
Divisions of different kinds,
217-219, complexity of, 219
Drainage of rivers, 216,
Ecclesiastical commissioners,
248.

Ecclesiastical divisions, 219.
Education, progress of, 248.
Educational grants, 248.
Emigration, 222:

Endowed charities, 254.
Excise, income from, 242,
Expenditure, national, 241.
Exports and imports, 234.
Factory supervision, 233,

Coal, exports of, 227; produc- Fisheries, 233.

tion of, 226, 227.

Coal measures, 215.

Coast line, alterations of, 216, Collleries, number of, 226. Commerce, 233, Commons, House of, 260. Constitution, nature of, 259. Copper, production of, 229. Corn counties, 224. Cotton, imports & exports, 236; factories, number of, 231.

Flax factories, number of, 232.
Furnaces, iron, number of, 228.
Geological formations, 215,
Gold, production of, 229
Government, form of, 259.
Government, members of, 261.
Grazing counties, 224,
Hemp factories, 233.
Horses, number of, 224.
Hosiery factories, 233,
Hospitals, revenues of, 254,

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being left to the decision of the county justices composing them to fix the exact date when they are to commence, with liberty to make such changes as shall not.interfere with the holding of the assizes. The county justices, assembled in general and quarter sessions, have jurisdiction in civil and criminal actions, except, as regards the latter, cases of treason, perjury, and other heavy crimes.

nals ic

By the Municipal Corporation Act of 5 and 6 William TribeIV. cap. 76, cities and boroughs in England and Wales cities may have a system of magisterial judicature similar to that rou of counties. The ordinary duties of county justices, out of sessions, are performed for most cities and boroughs by their mayors or other magistrates. By the same Act, courts of quarter sessions may also be granted to cities and boroughs. The sole judges of such courts are recorders, empowered to take cognizance of offences in the same manmer as courts of quarter sessions in counties, but with a jurisdiction to levy county rates and to grant licences, or to exercise any of the other powers vested in town councila. The recorder, who must be a barrister of not less than five years' standing, has to hold his court quarterly, or, if necessary, more frequently; and should there be an unusually large number of cases to be tried, he may, with the sanc tion of the town council, form a second court, under the presidency of an "assistant barrister," approved of by the Secretary of State for the Home Department.

tion of

It was long the opinion of writers on jurisprudence, foreign and English, as well as of the public in general, Substite that one of the most manifest advantages of English law judges was in its general adoption of trial by jury. In recent for juri times, however, a growing tendency has been manifested to trust, at least in civil cases, more to the administration of the law by judges than by juries. This tendency is strikingly shown in the most important juridical statutes passed lately, the Judicature Acts already referred to. There can be no doubt that on this subject the legislature expresses but public opinion, and that what is ordered by parliament in respect to changes in the administration of the English law is done by the will of the nation. (F. MA.)

INDEX.

House of Commons, 260; of | Metals, production of, 226.
Lords, 259.

Houses, number of, 220.
Illegitimate births, 222.
Immigrants, number of, 222.
Imports and exports, 234.
Income tax, revenue from, 257.
Inhabited houses, 220.
Insurance, post-office, 240.
Iron ore, production of, 227.
Judicature Act of 1871, 261,
Judicial divisions, 219, 261.
Juries, trial by, 262.
Jute factories, 233,
Lace factories, 233.
Lakes, 216.
Landed property, division of,
223.

Landowners, number of, 223;
the sixteen largest, 224.
Law courts, 261.
Lead, production of, 228.
Letters, number despatched,
239.

Militia, 245.

Miners, number of, 280.
Mines and minerals, 226.
Money orders, 289.
Mountains, 216.
Municipal corporations, 218.
National debt, 248.
National wealth, growth of,258.
Navy, cost of maintenance,
245: strength of, 246.
Parliament, power of, 259.
Parliamentary constituencies,
260; divisions, 218,
Pauperism, statistics of, 251.
Paupers,number and cost of,252.
Peerages, number of, 259.
Pig iron, production of, 228.
Police, 251.
Poor-law administration, 252.
Population, former estimates
of, 219; from 1801 to 1871,
220 density of, 221; in-
crease of, 221.

Life assurance, Government, Ports, principal eight, 235.

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Post-cards, number dispatched, 239.

Post office, 239.
Prehistoric ages, 215.

Prime minister, selection of, 260.
Prisoners, number of, 251,
Rallways, 236.
Rainfall, 217
Recruits, army, 245.

Religious denominations, 947.
Revenue, national, 241.
Rivers, 216.
Roads, 288,

Royal hospitals, 954.

Rural districts, pop. of, 221.
Salt, production of, 229.
Savings banks, general, 256
post office, 240.
Schools, statistics of, 249.
Sea, encroachments of, 216.
Sexes, numbers of 220.
Sheep, number of, 224
Shipbuilding, 236.
Shipping. 235.

Shoddy factories, 233.
Silk factories, 282
Silver, production of, 229.
Soul, 215; fertility of, 217
Steam navigation, 236.
Sugar, imports of, 234.
Taxation, national, 242.
Tea, imports of, 234
Telegrapha, 240.
Textile manufactures, 230
Tin, pduction of, 299.
Tonnage of shipping, 236.
Towns and rural districts,
population of, 831.

Towns, principal, pop. of, 221.
Trade and capital, 258
Tramways, 238.

Tribunals, constitution of, 962,
Vital statistica, 219.
Volunteers, 245.

Wealth, national, 258.
Wheat, acreage under, 924
Wool, imports and exports of

231.

Woollen factories, 981.

Worsted factories, 231 Yeomanry, 246.

Roman Catholica,number of, 247. Zine, production of, 208,

PART. II.-HISTORY.

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ENGLAND, the land of the Angles or English, is, Britain in the fifth century, the time of the settlement Britain according to its etymology, the distinctive name of that which gave to so large a part of the island the name of arth cen part of Britain in which, by reason of the Teutonic conquests England, was in a state unlike any other part of the world. tury. in the fifth and sixth centuries, the Teutonic race and speech The greater part of the island, all that is now called became dominant. The name is in itself equally applicable England and Wales, with a considerable part of what is now to the older home of the Angles in Germany; but, though called Scotland, had formed a Roman province, but had cognate forms, as Angeln, are to be found there, the exact been cut off from the empire by the act of the imperial forms Anglia or England do not seem to have been in use. power itself. As the Roman legions had been a hundred As applied to latèr settlements of Englishmen, settlements and thirty years earlier withdrawn from Dacia by Aurelian, made by men starting from Britain, it is used with direct so they were in the early years of the fifth century withand conscious reference to the elder England. New drawn from Britain by Honorius. The Teutonic invaders England implies Old England. The name is thus etymolo- therefore found in Britain, what they did not find in Gaul gically applicable to English settlements anywhere; histori- or Spain, an independent people, who doubtless kept many cally it belongs to the great English settlement in Britain. memories and fruits of their long subjection to Rome, but And, in its use for many ages past, it has not taken in the who had ceased to be actual Roman subjects. The people whole of that part of Britain which is historically English. whom the English found in the possession of this restored Part of northern England was at an early time detached and somewhat precarious independence were the Celtic from the English kingdom to form part of Scotland. And people of the Britons. It is not here needful to determine Britons. again, from the part of England so detached, the English certain curious points of controversy, how far the purely tongue, and much of English blood, has further spread over Celtic character of the inhabitants of Britain had been part of the proper Scotland. In modern usage then modified by intermixture, either with races earlier than England means somewhat less than the land which is their own settlement or with Teutonic or other settlers marked out by its strict etymology. It does not mean the during the time of Roman dominion. All the probabilities whole of the Teutonic part of Britain, but only that part of it of the case would certainly go against the belief that the which has formed the kingdom of England since the present Celts found the isle of Britain wholly uninhabited. That line between England and Scotland was drawn. But in they were the first Aryan settlers there can be no reasonable any case it should be remembered that the name is a purely doubt; but, even in the absence of any kind of evidence, Question political name. Britain is a certain part of the earth's we should expect that the first Aryan settlers would, in inhabi surface, with unchangeable physical boundaries. England, Britain as elsewhere, find earlier non-Aryan settlers in tants Scotland, Wales, are political names of parts of Britain, possession of the land. One set of inquirers have made it which have had different meanings at different times, accord-highly probable that the cromlechs and other primæval ing as the part of Britain to which they have been applied has been larger or smaller. It is also to be remembered that these political names are comparatively modern. England, for instance, is not heard of by that name till late in the tenth century. In fact it hardly could have been a formal title, used in the country itself, till the many English settlements in Britain had become one kingdom. It is not, as we shall see, the oldest name for the Teutonic part of Britain. But as the various English kingdoms were fused into one, England became and remained the name of that | one. England then is that part of Britain which came and remained under the direct rule of the king of the English. It thus excludes Scotland, meaning by Scotland, as by England, a greater and a smaller space at different times. It also in strictness excludes Wales. Legal phraseology is not quite consistent on this head; but the more accurate description of South Britain is "England and Wales," rather than" England" only. Wales, first under its own princes, then under the English kings, was long a dependency of England rather than a part of England; and its complete political incorporation with England has not altogether destroyed its separate character.

remains, which used to be vaguely called Druidical, are really the works of a race of inhabitants earlier than the Celts. Another set of inquirers have, from the physiological point of view, brought plausible arguments to show, not only that such an earlier non-Aryan population existed, but that it actually forms a perceptible element in the present population of South Britain. It has been argued that a large part of the population of the border shires of England and Wales is in truth neither English nor British, but comes of a non-Aryan stock akin to the Basques of Gaul and Spain. So, on the other hand, it has been argued that a part of the eastern coast of Britain had received Teutonic inhabitants earlier than the conquest of Britain by the Romans. It has been argued too, and in this case argued with undoubted certainty, that, under the Roman occupation, soldiers and other subjects and allies of the empire of various races, the Teutonic race among others, settled in the Roman province of Britain, and helped to form a part of its inhabitants. But, if all these doctrines are admitted in the 'r fullest extent, they in no way affect the political history of England. They simply prove that the British people whom England then is the name which certain historical events the English found in possession of the isle of Britain had, caused to be applied to a part of the isle of Britain. The like all other nations in all other times and places, had the history of England therefore strictly begins with the begin- purity of their blood more or less affected by foreign ning of those events which caused part of Britain to become intermixture. They in nowise affect the fact that the England. The history of England has no concern with the English invaders found in this island a people who, for all earlier history of Britain, except so far as is needed to make practical and historical purposes, must be looked upon as the working of those causes intelligible. Nor need it dwell Celtic, a people in whom the dominant blood, and the on the earlier history of the English before they came into dominant national being, was undoubtedly Celtic. In the Britain further than is needed for the same end. The eye of general history they must be looked on, as they were history of England begins when the English first settled in in the eyes of their English conquerors themselves, as Britain. But, in order to understand this settlement, some Britons. They were Britons, modified no doubt in every account must be given of the earlier condition both of the respect by their long subjection to Rome, but still essentially Bottlers themselves and of the land in which they settled. a British, that is, a Celtic people. And it is further clear

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