NOTES TO VOL. X

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

Map of Huron Country.-The (subsidiary) map of the Huron country which appears on the large map accompanying vol. i. of this series is substantially the same as that given in Parkman's Jesuits, which was based on Taché's researches. The map in the present volume, facing this page, embodies the results of the archæological investigations pursued in the Huron country during the thirty years and more since Taché (vol. v., pp. 295-298), in the identification of mission sites-notably those of St. Michael, St. Joseph, and St. Ignace, which are now more satisfactorily established than when Parkman wrote his Jesuits. This map has been prepared especially for this work, by Andrew F. Hunter, of Barrie, Ont., whose careful and enthusiastic researches are already known to our readers through his notes, contributed to this series, on Huron tribes and localities; and it will aid the reader to follow more accurately the vicissitudes of the ill-fated Huron missions.

Localities indicated on this map are described in preceding volumes as follows: Vol. v.,-country of the Attignaouantan (Bear clan), note 17; Ossossané and Ihonatiria, notes 60, 61. Vol. viii.,— Oënrio (Wenrio), note 31; Scanonaenrat, note 38; Onentisati, note 42. See also vol. viii., note 23, for location of the Attiguenongha clan of Hurons.

Through an oversight, the map does not indicate the name of the township of Tiny; this lies west of the township of Tay, and extends from Thunder Bay, on the north, to Cranberry Lake on the southern end.

1 (p. 11).—For location of Scanonaenrat, see vol. viii., note 38. 2 (p. 43).— Regarding the capture of the fleet, here mentioned, see vol. iv., note 46.

3 (P. 45).—The myth of the Thunder-Bird was, in some form or other, common to all North American tribes, from Mexico to Hudson's Bay, and from the St. Lawrence to Bering Strait; and it is still current among most of the northern and western tribes. They explain the vivid and (to them) mysterious and terrible phenomena of the thunderstorm as proceeding from an immense bird, so large

that its shadow darkens the heavens; the thunder is the sound made by flapping its wings, the lightning is the flashing or the winking of its eyes, and the deadly and invisible thunderbolts are arrows sent forth by the bird against its enemies. The Indians greatly dread this imaginary bird, often addressing prayers to it during a thunderstorm; and they have many traditions and superstitions regarding it. The tribes about Puget Sound and in Alaska perform the "black tamahnous," or "thunder-bird ceremony,"—a rite often savage and bloody. Many tribes regarded the thunder-bird as the Creator of the world, to which it brought fire from heaven; and Dakota legends relate the unceasing strife between Unktahe, the god of waters, and Wauhkeon, the thunder-bird. For details of this myth, see Eells's "The Thunder-Bird," and Chamberlain's "Thunder-Bird among the Algonkins," in Amer. Anthropologist, vol. ii., pp. 329-336; vol. iii., pp. 51–54. Cf. the legend of the "Weendigoes," in Schoolcraft's Algic Researches, vol. ii., pp. 114-116; and that of the "sacred pole" of the Omahas, Amer. Antiquarian, vol. xvii., pp. 265-268; also Mrs. Eastman's Dahcotah; or, Legends of the Sioux (N. Y., 1849), pp. 212-242.

Brinton (Myths of New World, pp. 239, 240) thus explains this myth: "The intimate connection that once existed between the myths of the deluge and those of the creation is illustrated by the part assigned to birds in so many of them. They fly to and fro over the waves ere any land appears, though they lose in great measure the significance of bringing it forth, attached to them in the cosmogonies as emblems of the divine spirit. The dove in the Hebrew account appears in that of the Algonkins as a raven, which Michabo sent out to search for land before the muskrat brought it to him from the bottom. A raven also in the Thlinkit and derived myths saved their ancestors from the general flood, and in this instance it is distinctly identified with the mighty thunder-bird, who at the beginning ordered the earth from the depths. Prometheus-like, it brought fire from heaven, and saved them from a second death by cold. This wondrous bird Yetl was the central character of the myths of all the coast tribes from the Eskimos well into and beyond Vancouver Island; and under various names, but playing the same rôle in the mighty drama of the creation and destruction of things, was familiar to the Athapascan tribes far inland. . . . In all these and similar legends, the bird is a relic of the cosmogonal myth which explained the origin of the world from the action of the winds, under the image of the bird, on the primeval ocean.

4 (p. 75).-François Marguerie, a native of Normandy, came to Canada about 1627, and served as interpreter for the Algonkins. During the English occupation of the country, he lived among the

savages; upon the return of the French, he settled at Three Rivers (still acting as interpreter), where an estate was granted to him. As Brébeuf here informs us, he spent the winter of 1635-36 at Allumettes Island. In February, 1641, Marguerie and Thomas Godefroy de Normanville were captured by the Iroquois, who, however, brought their prisoners back to Three Rivers in the following April. This episode is described at length by Vimont in the Relation of 1641, chaps. ix. and x.

Oct. 26, 1645, Marguerie married Louise, daughter of Zacharie Cloutier, a carpenter who had come over with Sieur Giffard (vol. vi., note 8). While crossing the St. Lawrence near Three Rivers (May 23, 1648), Marguerie and a companion, Jean Amiot, were drownedtheir canoe being overturned in a sudden storm. Marguerie was noted for his fine physique, courage, and address. Lalemant praises both him and Amiot, not only for courage and skill, but because they "had, in the opinion of all the country, led blameless lives.” Marguerie's sister Marie became the wife of Jacques Hertel (vol. ix., note 3).

5 (p. 81).- This was a favorite game among the Canadian Indians. Boucher (Hist. vérit., chap. x.) thus mentions it: "The Game of Straws is played with little straws, which are made for this purpose, and which are divided very unequally in three parts, as in hazard. Our Frenchmen have not yet been able to learn this game. It is full of vivacity; and straws are among them what cards are with us." Perrot (Mémoire, Tailhan's ed., pp. 46-50) gives a detailed account of the game; but his description is, according to Lafitau (Mœurs des Sauvages, part 2, pp. 350-352), "so obscure as to be almost unintelligible." Charlevoix and La Potherie also attempt, but not very successfully, to describe the game; the former confesses Journ. Hist., p. 318) that "he does not at all understand it, except that sometimes the number nine wins the game." Tailhan (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) cites these writers, and adds, "I am not more fortunate than my predecessors, and the game of straws remains for me an undecipherable enigma." In general, however, it may be said that this was a game partly of chance, partly of skill; it was played with straws or rushes, the size of a wheat-stalk, and about ten inches in length. These were unequally divided into small bunches, and passed to and fro in the hands of the players— "with inconceivable dexterity," as Lafitau says. He adds: "Uneven numbers are always lucky, and the number nine higher than all others. The division of the straws makes the game run high or low, and increases the bets, according to the different numbers, until the game is won. It is sometimes so eager, when the Villages play against one another, that it lasts two or three days." This game

was also played, at times, in a manner resembling that of the modern "jackstraws." The writers above mentioned all confirm the statements of the Jesuits as to the infatuation of the savages for this and other forms of gambling, and their accompanying evils.

6 (p. 83).-Naiz percez (Nez Percés): the Beaver tribe (Algonkin, Amiskou, "a beaver;" French, Nation du Castor). These were the Amikouas, an Algonkin nation with headquarters near La Cloche and the outlet of Spanish River (in the present district of Algoma), on the north shore of Georgian Bay. Their location is made clear by Le Jeune (Relation of 1640, chap. x.), and also on maps of that period-Galinée, 1670; Senex, 1710; etc. They should not be confused with the modern Nez Percés of the Rockies. — A. F. HUNTER.

St. Lusson and Perrot, who at Michilimackinac took possession of the western regions in the name of France (June 4, 1671), spent the preceding winter with the Beaver tribe. Missions to these savages were undertaken by Louis André (in the spring of 1671), and Henri Nouvel (1671–72).

7 (p. 83).— Aweatsiwaenrrhonons: the Nipissiriniens (vol. v., notes 19, 51). The French term, gens puants, was also applied to the Winnebago tribe. The confusion thus arising in the identity of these tribes may have been occasioned from the fact that numerous places were marked on the early maps as "puant,"-presumably meaning "alkaline." For instance, Cattaraugus Creek, near Chautauqua, N. Y., is named on one of Sanson's maps R. à la terre puante.-A. F. HUNTER.

8 (p. 95). Contarea, one of the principal Huron strongholds, was situated close to a small lake in Tiny township, now known as Lannigan's Lake, the position of which is indicated on Du Creux's map. Brébeuf mentions this water as distant from Ihonatiria a day's journey; but it is not more than ten miles from the mission headquarters. Laverdière, arguing from a remote similarity in names, suggests the identity of Contarea with Carmaron, seen by Champlain in 1615 (Voyages, Laverdière's ed., p. 515); but it is not probable that any Huron town or village continued to exist at one place for so long a period as twenty years.-A. F. HUNTER.

9 (p. 103).— Citrouilles: the summer squash (Cucurbita polymorpha); it is figured on Champlain's map of 1612. Boucher (Hist. vérit., chap. viii.) thus describes them: "Citrouilles, of a species different from those of France; they are smaller, and not so unsubstantial; their flesh is firmer and less watery, and of a better flavor."

10 (p. 103).-Concerning the use and preparation of corn as food, see vol. v., note 28.

II (p. 127). See also Brébeuf's account of Ataentsic in the Relation of 1635, vol. viii. of this series.

12 (p. 133).— For citations regarding the meaning of the myths of Ataentsic and Jouskeha, see vol. viii., note 36.

Cf. Hewitt's " Cosmogonic Gods of the Iroquois,” (Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc., 1895, pp. 241-250); he takes issue with Brinton as to the interpretation of these myths. He says: "If the evidence of language may be trusted, it seems safe to regard these gods as creations indigenous to the primitive philosophy of the Iroquois regarding the origin of themselves and their environment—the protology of their existence and that of the earth and the heavens. Tha-ron-hya-wa-kon was the ruler of the sky ever benign and beneficent, at all times solicitous to promote the welfare of man, and in great emergencies even descending among men personally to aid them against adverse powers and beings of sinister aspect and malevolent purpose. From the brief introductory account of the protology of the Iroquois, it would seem to be erroneous to identify Tha-ron-hya-wa-kon with Yoskeha' of the Huronian version, or with Otěñ-toñ-ni'-a' of that of the Onondagas and other tribes; for the latter is the demiurge, being, strictly speaking, the grandson of the spouse of Tha-ron-hya-wa'-kon, E-ya'-ta-hěn'tsik.... It was the daughter of E-ya'-ta-hěn'-tsik who became the moon which changes its form continually. It is a very common thing among writers to confound E-ya'-ta-hěn'-tsik with her daughter, and hence arises the erroneous identification of E-yǎ'ta-hen'-tsik with the moon. . . . On both linguistic and func tional grounds, I am inclined to regard E-ya'-ta-hěn'-tsik as the impersonation or goddess of night and the earth. Lastly,

the usual application of the appellation "grandmother" to the moon must not be construed as evidence that the grandmother of O-teñ-toñ-ni'-ď' is meant; for the mother of O-teñ-toñ-nï'-a', being born on the earth, was in fact regarded as the grandmother of the race in a stricter sense than her mother, E-yǎ'-ta-hěn'-tsik. In the protology of the Iroquois, Yoskehǎ' or O-teñ-toñ-ni'-ă' is the demiurge in contrast with Tawis'kara' his brother, who represented the destructive or Typhonic power in nature, as exemplified by the destructiveness of frost, hail, and ice. The people held in high esteem the great and bounteous benefits they believed they enjoyed only through the care and benevolence of Yoskehď'. . . . It is, I believe, the reproductive, rejuvenating power in nature that is personified in Yoskeha', and not the sun, which is ever portrayed as retaining the full vigor of manhood, undiminished by the lapse of years. Tawis'kara' was so called because he spread forth hail, sleet, and ice, and the blighting frosts; because he was