to point to a British Commonwealth of Nations with a stronger, more representative and more permanent central Cabinet.

FOR ADDITIONAL READING

The Empire. H. E. Egerton, A Short History of British Colonial Policy, 1783-1915 (5th ed., 1918). E. G. Hawke, The British Empire and its History (1911). A. W. Jose, The Growth of Empire (1913). C. F. Lavell and C. E. Payne, Imperial England (1918). Sir C. V. Lucas, The British Empire (1915). A. F. Pollard, ed., The British Empire, its Past, its Present, and its Future (1909). A. P. Newton, The Old Empire and the New (1917). Lord Cromer, Ancient and Modern Imperialism (1910). A. J. Herbertson and O. J. R. Howarth, The Oxford Survey of the British Empire (6 vols., 1914). Sir C. V. Lucas, ed., Historical Geography of the British Colonies (6 vols., new ed. 1915). Sir W. J. Ashley, The British Dominions, their Present Commercial and Industrial Condition (1911). A. B. Keith, Selected Speeches and Documents on British Colonial Policy (2 vols., 1918). R. Jebb, The Imperial Conference (2 vols., 1911). Sir Charles Dilke, Problems of Greater Britain (1890). G. R. Parkin, Imperial Federation (1913). An Analysis of the System of Government throughout the British Empire (1912). H. E. Egerton, Federations and Unions within the British Empire (1911). Edward Jenks, The Government of the British Empire (1918). A. B. Keith, Responsible Government in the Dominions (3 vols., 1912), and Imperial Unity and the Dominions (1916). J. E. Barker, The Great Problems of British Statesmanship (1918). Lionel Curtis, Problems of the Commonwealth (1917). A. W. Tilby, The British in the Tropics, 1527-1910 (1912).

Canada. Durham, The Earl of, Report on the Affairs of British North America, 1839, Sir C. V. Lucas ed. (3 vols., 1912). A. G. Bradley, The Making of Canada (1908). Sir J. G. Bourinot, Canada (1897) and Canada under British Rule, 1760-1900 (1900). George Bryce, A Short History of the Canadian People (2d ed., 1914). G. M. Wrong, "The Constitutional Development of Canada,” Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans., 4th series, vol. I, 236–253. G. M. Wrong et al., The Federation of Canada, 1867-1917 (four lectures, 1917). T. Hodgkin, British and American Diplomacy Affecting Canada (1900). Cambridge Modern History, X, XI, XII and bibliographies.

Anglo-American relations. John Bigelow, Breaches of Anglo-American Treaties (1917). W. A. Dunning, The British Empire and the United States (1914). A. C. McLaughlin, America and Britain (1919). Mary W. Williams, Anglo-American Isthmian Diplomacy, 1815-1014 (1914). S. C. Johnson, History of Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America, 1763-1912 (1913). Sinclair Kennedy, The Pan-Angles (1915). E. D. Adams, Great Britain, America, and Democracy (1919). O. Wister, A Straight Deal or the Ancient Grudge (1920).

Australia and New Zealand. E. G. Wakefield, A View of the Art of Colonization (1849, new ed., 1914). A. W. Jose, A History of Australasia (1918). Ernest Scott, A Short History of Australia (1917). W. T. Reeves,

State Experiments in Australia and New Zealand (1902). A. Siegfried, Democracy in New Zealand (1914).

South Africa. H. A. Gibbons, The New Map of Africa, 1900-1916 (1916). Dorothea Fairbridge, History of South Africa (1918). G. M. Theal, South Africa (1917). L. S. Amery, "The Constitutional Development of South Africa," Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans., 4th series, vol. I, 218–236. W. B. Worsfold, The Union of South Africa (1912). James, Viscount Bryce, Impressions of South Africa (1897), and Britain and Boer (1900). Sir A. C. Doyle, The War in South Africa (1902) and The Great Boer War (1902). J. A. Hobson, The War in South Africa (1900). R. G. Campbell, Neutral Rights and Obligations in the Anglo-Boer War (1908). G. L. LeSueur, Cecil Rhodes, the Man and His Work (1914). H. Spender, General Botha (1917). W. Levi, Jan Smuts (1917).

Egypt. W. B. Worsfold, The Story of Egypt (n. d.). A. E. P. B. Weigall, Egypt from 1798 to 1914 (1915). Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt (2 vols., 1908), and Abbas II (1915). W. L. Balls, Egypt of the Egyptians (1916). Sidney Low, Egypt in Transition (1914). Cambridge Modern History, XII, ch. XV.

India. Sir Alfred Lyall, The Rise and Expansion of the British Dominion in India (4th ed., 1907). Sir W. W. Hunter, Brief History of the Indian Peoples (23d ed. 1903). L. J. Trotter, History of India (rev. W. H. Hutton, 1917). V. A. Smith, The Oxford History of India (1919). Sir T. W. Holderness, People and Problems of India (1911). Sir Courtney Ilbert, The Government of India (1915). M. J. Chailley, Administrative Problems of British India (1910). Sir G. Strachey, India, its Administration and Progress (4th ed., 1911). V. Chirol, Indian Unrest (1910). The Mutiny is treated in most of the general histories; for bibliography see Low and Sanders, pp. 497-499, and Cambridge Modern History, XI, pp. 965-967; the standard work is Sir John Kaye's Sepoy War (3 vols., 1864-76) completed by G. B. Malleson (1878-80); for a briefer work see T. Rice Holmes (5th ed., 1898). The Imperial Gazetteer of India is a mine of information relating to the country. For special topics, see Sir T. Morison, The Economic Transition in India (1911); Sir Wm. Lee-Warner, The Native States of India (1911); A. H. Benton, Indian Moral Instruction and Caste Problems (1917); E. W. Hopkins, The Religions of India (1896); J. B. Pratt, India and its Faiths (1916); and Studies in Indian Life and Sentiment. Among the works dealing with conditions and events since the outbreak of the Great War are: The Aga Khan, India in Transition (1919); Wm. Archer, India and the Future (1918); Lovat-Fraser, India under Lord Curzon and After (1918); DeWitt Mackenzie, The Awakening of India (1917); K. V. Rao, The Future Government of India (1918); V. A. Smith, Indian Constitutional Reform (1919); F. B. Fisher and G. M. Williams, India's Silent Resolution (1919). H. A. Gibbons, The New Map of Asia (1919), and H. M. Hyndman, The Awakening of Asia (1919), are both hostile in their attitude toward the British administration. Lajpat Rai, Young India (1916), England's Debt to India (1918) and India and the Future (1919), the works of a fiery extremist. The Round Table, a quarterly devoted primarily to the British Empire, is invaluable for current problems.

CHAPTER LVIII

BRITISH FOREIGN RELATIONS WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO GERMANY AND THE CAUSES OF THE WORLD WAR (1870–1914)

The death of Palmerston,

Great Britain's "Splendid Isolation." in 1865, was followed by a long period during which the British foreign policy was generally one of aloofness from Continental affairs. The Liberals, dominated until his retirement in 1894 by the masterful personality of Gladstone, were interested primarily in domestic progress, and, though, with their leader, they raised their voices from time to time in behalf of oppressed nationalities, they aimed, as far as possible, to pursue their course unhampered by European complications. Disraeli, so long as he led the Conservative party, applied his spacious imagination mainly to popularizing the idea of Imperialism and fostering the British overseas dominion. "England," he declared so early as 1866, "has outgrown the European Continent.

Her position is no longer that of a mere European Power. England is the metropolis of a great maritime Empire, extending to the boundaries of the furthest ocean, though she is as ready and as willing, even, to interfere as in the old days when the necessity of her position requires it." Salisbury, his successor, though quick enough to take a firm stand whenever British interests or honor seemed to be threatened, assumed as his guiding aim the maintenance of the peace of Europe. With rare foresight he came to realize that antagonism to Russia which led to more than one crisis, even during his own time, "the superstition of an antiquated diplomacy." It was the menace of Germany that finally brought Great Britain again into the European arena. For two centuries British policy has been a reasonably consistent one to oppose any attempt to overthrow the balance of power, and, furthermore, to protect her Empire. Hence, she has fought the France of Louis XIV and Napoleon, as well as Russia and Germany. Naturally pursuing her own interests, in the main, nevertheless, high moral issues, among them the cause of oppressed nationalities, have made a powerful appeal to her people. No doubt

she has been a party to treaties and measures not always defensible; but her policy has of late been far from aggressive, while she has shown a rare constancy in the maintenance of treaty obligations. Bismarck's Predominance in Europe. For twenty years following the Franco-Prussian War, Bismarck remained Chancellor of the German Empire, which with Prussia as the dominating element -his calculating and ruthless policy of blood and iron had created. Though he assumed the position of leader in the councils of Europe, he had no mind for further conquests, either in Europe, or, at least for the time being, beyond its confines. Germany he regarded as a satiated State," and, besides, he had plenty of pressing problems to occupy him nearer at hand.

European Relations. The League of the Three Emperors. — While he was always ready to play one Power against another when need arose, Bismarck's primary aim was to cultivate such friendly relations and to make such diplomatic combinations as would keep France isolated. Thus, in 1872, he concluded an informal agreement with Austria and Russia, known as the League of the Three Emperors or Drei Kaiserbund. Both his allies were opposed to Great Britain's support of Turkey; furthermore, the Tsar was particularly affrighted at the "pernicious example given by the growing republicanism and socialism in England." Such was the anti-British attitude of Austria and Russia in the early seventies. Anglo-French and Anglo-German relations were also not without disquieting features. Bismarck's exposure of the designs on Belgium which he had tempted Napoleon III to urge, had contributed not a little to harden the British against the French at the beginning of the Franco-Prussian War, while Queen Victoria's ineffectual protest against the pitiless siege of Paris had aroused German resentment without to any considerable degree reconciling the French. Bismarck, himself, cherishing no Imperial ambitions and recognizing that the British had no aggressive intentions in Europe, was generally inclined to cultivate friendly relations with Great Britain. However, aside from the feeling of his Russian and Austrian allies and the hostile attitude of the German press, his path was strewn with further difficulties. British Ministers, while peacefully inclined, distrusted him and viewed him coldly; moreover - and here he revealed the typical German autocrat - he complained of the "absolute impossibility of confidential intercourse, in consequence of the indiscretions of English statesmen in their communications to Parliament, and the absence of security in alliances, for which the Crown is not answerable in England, but only the fleeting Cabinets of the day." Circumstances soon arose that seriously weak

ened the Russo-German tie, though the alliance was never completely broken during Bismarck's Chancellorship.

A New Crisis in the Near East. One such crisis, which dragged Great Britain again into the whirlpool of European politics, was pregnant in results; for it contributed not only to alienate Russia from Germany, but to tighten the Austro-German alliance and to open the way for a rivalry of pan-Germanism and pan-Slavism in the Balkans which has been such a factor in bringing about the recent World War. The trouble began, in 1875, with a revolt in the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Though egged on by Russia and Austria, they had suffered real grievances at the hands of Turkish officials, religious oppression and financial extortion as well. The provisions of the Treaty of 1856 had been violated in almost every conceivable way: the Porte had not kept its promise of ameliorating the lot of the Christians under its rule, Russia had not been excluded from the Black Sea, and endless other causes of friction existed to invite trouble. The three Powers of Austria, Russia, and Prussia were insistent that Turkey should be made to reform her administration by force of arms if necessary. The British Ministers, however, would go no further than to urge reform upon the Sultan, still believing in the possibility of the regeneration of Turkey, a delusion which their jealousy of Russia contributed to nourish. Depending upon support of Disraeli (now Lord Beaconsfield), the Turks pursued a policy of suave evasion. On 5 May, 1876, a body of Mohammedan fanatics rose at Salonika; among their victims were the French and German consuls, and although British, French, and German fleets were hurried to the scene of action the disorders continued. During the summer of 1876, Serbia and Montenegro joined in the war. About the same time an insurrection broke out in Bulgaria, and was suppressed by the Turks with such atrocities as to arouse a fury of indignation in England, especially among the Liberals. Gladstone, emerging from his retirement, published a pamphlet on the Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East, and made speeches of fiery eloquence in behalf of the oppressed. Beaconsfield, who had little sympathy for the Christians in the Turkish provinces and a consuming dread of Russia, accused his rival of making political capital out of the situation, referring to him as a "designing politician," seeking "to further his own sinister ends."

The Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878). — Beaconsfield of course dominated the Cabinet, and it was only the opposition of the British Government to the use of force that held Russia back. At length a conference of the Powers was arranged at Constantinople. Lord Salisbury, the British representative, solemnly informed the Sultan