royal or parliamentary; to stem the inrush of anarchy; and to preserve the heritage for which he fought. When Parliament proceeded to contest the basis of his power, he found himself forced to adopt methods more arbitrary than those of the King whom he had overthrown. While more effective as a destroyer than as a builder, he achieved many things. He struck a blow at tyranny, royal and ecclesiastical, from which it never recovered; he gave the country an actual experience in religious toleration that helped prepare the way for the spiritual freedom which it was left to later hands enduringly to establish; he made the name of England respected abroad, and adopting the maritime and colonial policy of his great predecessor Elizabeth, he carried it a stage further along toward the goal which Great Britain has now reached. Under his government, particularly during the régime of the Major-Generals, there was rigid repression and minute interference with private affairs, and some innocent recreation was blighted by the enforced observance of the gloomy Puritan Sabbath. While certain of these measures were due to stern political necessity, others were in the interests of a high if somewhat dreary morality, and the policy, mistaken as it was in many respects, introduced serious and sober ideals which have done much to uplift the national character. Cromwell, the Man. - Cromwell the man, so simple and human in his bearing, was a complex character embodying the most diverse traits at once daring and cautious, hesitant in council and decisive in action. Although a religious enthusiast, he was at the same time intensely practical in his military and state policy. In his habits of life he was the opposite of a "morose and gloomy " ascetic; he hunted, hawked, and was a lover of horses; he loved his jest and was enthusiastic for games, playing bowls even after he became Lord Protector; he had an ear for music, and scandalized the stricter sort by allowing "mixed dancing" at the wedding of a daughter in 1657. But this lighter side only appeared at moments in his absorbed and purposeful life. In his last prayer he gave thanks that he had been "a mean instrument to do God's people some good and God some service." If as a ruler he came more and more to subordinate "the civil liberty and interest of the nation. . . to the more peculiar interest of God,"if to that end he was often abrupt and arbitrary, his aims were lofty and disinterested. "A larger soul, I think, hath seldom dwelt in a house of clay," was the tribute of one who knew him best.

Richard Cromwell Lord Protector. — Richard Cromwell, whom his father had named successor, was a worthy man, of pure life, personally popular, but without force and without training or ability in affairs of State; moreover, he had no hold on the Army, whose chiefs desired

more control over military affairs than the Government would accord. After some wrangling, the old Rump was recalled 7 May, 1659. Though originally there had been no intention of overthrowing the Protectorate but merely to "piece and mend up that cracked government," the Rump proceeded to pass a resolution for maintaining a Commonwealth "without a single person" at the head, whereupon Richard, after a few days of hesitation, resigned.

he

The End of the Long Parliament (26 March, 1660). The Rump was as unwilling as Richard's government had been to allow the Army to control military affairs, hence its dissolution, 13 October, 1659. While the generals were trying to devise some plan of orderly government in which they might have the voice they desired, an unexpected figure arose to dominate the situation. This was George Monck, who commanded the army in Scotland. He had begun his military career fighting for King Charles; taken prisoner in 1644 by the enemy, had successively served Parliament, the Commonwealth, the two Protectors, and the restored Rump, and had shown unusual ability as a fighter on the sea as well as on the land. A man of sphinx-like reserve, he seemed absorbed in his military duties and indifferent to politics. Now he suddenly stood forth as the "champion of the authority of Parliament" against the designs of the generals. Apparently he cared little whether England was a Monarchy or a Republic; but, if we can believe his own professions, he was convinced that she should be governed by law rather than by the sword. On 2 January, 1660, he crossed the Tweed at the head of his troops. General Lambert, one of the Army chiefs, made a vain effort to oppose him; but there was no enthusiasm for the cause of the Army, and, deserted even by his own men, he was obliged to give way. Monck marched south, carefully evading any public declaration of his intentions. However, he at length yielded so far to the demands of the Presbyterians as to readmit to the Rump, which had been recalled again 26 December, the members excluded by Pride's Purge; but he informed the body thus reconstituted that it must dissolve by 6 May, 1660, at the latest, and make way for a free Parliament. Monck was made commander of the army of the three kingdoms, and, 26 March, with "many sad pangs and groans, "the Long Parliament dissolved itself after an intermittent existence of nearly twenty years.

The Recall of Charles II and the Declaration of Breda. — Before dissolving, it had provided for a Convention Parliament to meet 25 April. Royalists were allowed to vote in the elections, though they were not eligible to sit unless they had given some proof of affection to the Parliamentary cause. About this time, Monck opened negotia

tions with Charles; realizing that the people were weary of frequent revolutions, army rule, and heavy taxes, he may have thought that he would gain personally by recalling the King as a means of anticipating an inevitable reaction, though it is possible that he had an unselfish desire to restore peace and a settled government. At any rate, "while the Restoration was the result of a general movement of opinion too strong to be withstood," he did more than any other man to bring it about. As a result of the negotiations which opened, Charles, acting under the advice of Hyde, who was with him in exile, issued from Breda a declaration in which he promised: (1) a general amnesty for all offenders, save those excepted by Parliament; (2) liberty of conscience, according to such a law as Parliament might propose; (3) such security for property acquired during the late troubles as Parliament might determine; (4) full arrears to the soldiers according to Act of Parliament. Following a futile rising, led by Lambert, the Army took an engagement to accept whatever settlement Parliament might make. "Their whole design," wrote Pepys, the famous diarist, "is broken . . . and every man begins to be merry and full of hope." The Convention met 25 April, 1660, as appointed. After both Houses had agreed in a declaration that," according to the ancient and fundamental laws of the Kingdom, the government is, and ought to be, by Kings, Lords, and Commons," Charles was proclaimed in London.

Nature of the Restoration and the Results of the Puritan Revolution. Charles landed at Dover, 25 May, 1660. The Restoration had at length come as a reaction from excessive Puritanism and Army rule. Yet the Revolution had accomplished results which were never to be effaced. It had arrested the growth of absolutism; for the Monarchy that was restored was destined never again to be, for any considerable period, a Monarchy completely independent of Parliament. The Established Church, too, was restored; but it never again became the National Church, embracing every subject as such. A lusty body of Dissenters had sprung up and multiplied during the recent upheaval, and the century had not run its course before many of them had obtained a recognized legal status outside the bounds of the Establishment.

FOR ADDITIONAL READING

See chs. XXVII-XXX.

Narrative. Gardiner, The History of the Commonwealth and the Pro-. tectorate (4 vols., 1903). C. H. Firth, The Last Years of the Protectorate, 1656-1658 (1909). F. A. Inderwick, The Interregnum (1891). Pollard,

Factors in Modern History, chs. IX, X. The Diary of the contemporary John Evelyn (best ed. H. B. Wheatley, 4 vols., 1906) throws vivid lights on the period.

Constitutional and special. E. Jenks, The Constitutional Experiments of the Protectorate (1890). Gardiner, Cromwell's Place in History (1897). G. L. Beer, Cromwell's Policy in its Economic Aspect (1902) valuable for this phase of the subject. R. Dunlop, Ireland under the Commonwealth (1913). Adams and Stephens, nos. 213-220.

Selections from the sources. Gardiner, Documents, nos. 86-105.

CHAPTER XXXII

FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE FALL OF CLARENDON

(1660-1667)

The New King and the Restoration. In spite of the fact that the Monarchy and the established Episcopacy were restored under Charles II, the old absolutism in Church and State was destined never again to prevail. The Puritan Revolution had produced an upheaval and an awakening which was bound to leave enduring results, and Charles was shrewd enough to sense the situation. To be sure, he struggled to make himself supreme, and he ended his reign in a very strong position; but he achieved his aim only by timely concessions. He recognized Parliament, and the opinion which it represented, as a force which might be manipulated but never dominated. Whatever happened, he once remarked, he was determined "never to set Out on his travels again."

During the years that Charles was King, neither arbitrary taxation nor the system of extraordinary courts was revived. Moreover, notable gains were made, both judicial and parliamentary. The fining of juries was done away with, and a new Act made the writ of Habeas Corpus, for protecting the subject against prolonged imprisonment before trial, more of a reality. Parliament asserted successfully its right not only to grant taxes, but also to appropriate them for specific purposes; to audit accounts; and, by frequent and effective impeachments, to hold the royal Ministers, in some measure, responsible to itself. In this period, too, modern party organization took rise, and the system of Cabinet government, based upon it, showed the first signs of taking shape. Yet, while many good laws were passed, bad government continued, numerous traces of absolutism survived, and much that cried for remedy was left untouched. The judges, whose tenure was still during royal pleasure, continued servile to the Crown and tyrannical to the subject; except by impeachment there was no means of getting rid of those who refused to govern according to the will of the majority in the House of Com