477

not be in position to reap any advantage from a presidential victory."

From Mr. Bryan himself, however, has come a prompt endorsement of Mr. Hearst. "I am much gratified at the nomination of Mr. Hearst," he is reported to have said at Oklahoma City, "because I feel that he will make not only a strong race, but also a good governor after his election."

TE

HE revolt of the Democrats in New York State appears to be large and vigorous, tho not, for the most part, organized. There are some clubs reported of "Hughes Democrats," but the revolt is of individuals rather than of organizations. Mr. Jerome was one of the first to announce his revolt. He said:

"After watching carefully and being in a position to know what went on at the alleged Democratic convention in Buffalo, I do not believe a man can be found owing allegiance to the Democratic party who feels himself called upon to abide by the action of such a fake convention. I shall work in every possible way to serve the Democratic party by trying to bring about the election of Charles E. Hughes as Governor."

Mayor McClellan declared that he, as a Democrat, would vote for the ticket placed in nomination, with the exception of Hearst. "Him I will not vote for." Robert Fulton Cutting, President of the Citizens' Union of New York, announced his intention not to vote for Hearst and even to enroll as a Republican this year. J. Edward Swanstrom, ex-President of Brooklyn Boro, declared that Hearst's nomination had been stolen and he could not support it. Austen G. Fox, of the City Club, Louis Windmuller, and many others announce the same intention. Ex-President Cleveland is reported in a World interview as referring to the nomination of Hearst as a "calamity" to the Democratic party. The Democratic candidate for the presidency in 1904, Judge Alton B. Parker, warns the public against Hearst's alleged intention to control the judiciary nominations for his own selfish ends. Every daily paper in Manhattan, with the exception of The Daily News and Mr. Hearst's own papers, has attacked his candidacy. Even The Tammany Times refuses to support him. There is not a morning paper published between Albany and Buffalo that supports him.

A NOW HISTORIC CARTOON In The Evening Journal (Hearst's) November 10, 1905, appeared the above cartoon with the title: "LOOK OUT, MURPHY! IT'S A SHORT LOCKSTEP FROM DELMONICO'S TO SING SING." With the cartoon was the following plain talk: "Every honest voter in New York wants to see you in this costume. You have committed crimes against the people that will send you for many years to State Prison, if the crime can be proved against you. Your dull mind cannot conceive of any real public opinion. But an awakening is ahead of you. You know that you are guilty. The people know it."

IN LINE

-C. R. Macauley in New York World.

Much of this revolt, however, perhaps all of it, was anticipated. The hope of Mr. Hearst and his friends is that he will draw far more votes (of laboring men) from the Republican party than he will lose from among the conservative Democrats. A cry of alarm is raised by Republicans in the manufacturing towns, who see a marked tide setting in toward Hearst.

AS

S THE contest has developed, the personality of Mr. Hearst and the questions raised as to his sincerity have loomed larger and larger, until the campaign has become less and less a discussion of issues and more and more a discussion of the man. The personality and the record of his opponent, Charles E. Hughes, afford little ground for discussion. His nomination was made by acclamation, but only after the hardest kind of a fight made by Mr. Parsons, the Roosevelt leader of the Republican party in New York City, reinforced by a letter in his favor from the President himself and still more strongly reinforced, perhaps, by the news that the Democratic convention, in session in Buffalo at the same time, was about to nominate Mr. Hearst. Mr. Hughes is best known by his record as inquisitor in the investigation first of the "gas trust" and then of the insurance societies, and by his refusal last year to accept the Republican nomination for mayor of New York because the acceptance might hamper his investigation. Mr. Hearst and his journals have attacked Mr. Hughes in a general way as a "corporation lawyer," admitting that he is a "clean corporation lawyer," but asserting that such a lawyer "is not one bit different in his way of making a living from the most spotty lawyer you ever saw." For the most part, however, Mr. Hearst has confined his specific charges to Mr. Hughes's alleged backers and his present political associates, Woodruff, Sheldon, Mayer, and others. One specific charge indeed has been brought against Mr. Hughes by Mr. Hearst's papers to the effect that in the prosecution of the "gas trust" last summer by the attorney-general, Mr. Hughes was retained as attorney, put a retainer in his pocket, and then went off to Europe. The charge was promptly denied by Mr. Hughes and by the attorneygeneral, and it transpired that Mr. Hughes did his work before he went to Europe, and received no retainer or fee whatever. His work for corporations, he says, has been a small part of his practice, and he has never been under an annual retainer from any corporation. "The voter who cannot trust Mr. Hughes," says The Press (New York City),

a Republican paper, but almost as radical as Hearst's own papers, "as against the hideous mockery of public servants running Mr. Hearst's campaign, cannot trust his Bible and his mother's prayers as against gambling dives, brothels and cut-purses."

T HIS paper, The Press, is the one New York

paper which Mr. Hearst has exempted from his charge against the New York press in general of lying about his canvass. It has been as vigorous and unsparing in denouncing boss influence and corporate influence in its own party as most papers are in denouncing them in the other party. But it discerns no taint of such influence in Mr. Hughes. To an inquirer objecting that Mr. Hughes, in his insurance investigation, failed to put any "really big men of his own party" on the stand, The Press replies:

"Who examined Governor Odell? Who examined Senator Depew? Who examined Senator Platt? Whose work drove them out of the political control of the Republican party? Who proved that McCurdy, the 'king of insurance,' the head of the greatest financial power in the United States, was both a grafter and a perjurer? Who held up McCall in such a light that, base as he was, his exposure killed him? Who ex-. posed the Morgan connection with the New York Life so witheringly that Perkins, the Morgan representative in the New York Life, was forced to take his blasted name from the vice-presidency of the company? Who put Harriman on the stand and proved his sordid struggle with Ryan for the seizure of the Equitable? Who compelled Ryan to answer questions which he insolently boasted he would never answer? Who gave him the choice of indictment or of testimony? Hughes.

Mr.

"If Mr. Hughes bows down to 'big men,' who are they and where? In one brief campaign he revealed the depravity of more of these 'big men' than all the other investigators and examiners put together have ever done. From his peerless and successful work in the gas and insurance investigations the public knows that he is a man who has done his duty in the service of the people. It knows that he always will."

STILL

more effective, for campaign purposes, have been the quotations which have been freely culled from the pages of Mr. Hearst's newspapers in regard to Mr. Hughes. Mr. Hearst, since the opening of his campaign, has attacked his opponent as follows:

"Paul D. Cravath is the corporation attorney of Thomas Fortune Ryan, the speculative financier who put through the criminal merger of the New York City transportation companies with the assistance of Attorney-General Mayer, and secured control of the Equitable Life Assurance Society with the assistance of the investigation conducted by Charles E. Hughes."

But, on December 30th last, Mr. Hearst's American had this to say:

"No one in New York will question the excellence of the work done by the counsel for the people, Mr. Charles E. Hughes. He has drawn from the management of the companies under litigation admissions which have damned them in the eyes of the public.

"He has done perhaps everything that could be done during the time at his disposal. If there should be no extension of time, Mr. Hughes can retire with the perfect certainty that his work has the approval and aroused the commendation of the people."

OF

F HEARST himself, his personal character, his career as an editor, his political motives, his ultimate aims, and the character of his associates, there is no end to what has been written and spoken since his momination. He has certainly gotten a full dose of his own medicine of publicity in these last few weeks. With the strongest newspapers of both old parties, as well as the independent papers, against him, the overwhelming amount of what has been printed is hostile. To find a friendly and at the same time authoritative sketch of him, we must go to his editor, Arthur Brisbane, who contributes such a sketch to The North American Review. Here is Brisbane's personal description:

"He is a big man-an excellent thing, since it gives him the strength to stand the worries of many newspapers, and the worries of many faithful followers and foolish enemies. He is more than six feet two in height, very broad, with big hands and big feet, a strong neck that will stand up for a long time under a heavy load. His hair is light in color, and his eyes blue-gray, with a singular capacity for concentration.

"His dress of late has been the usual uniform of American statesmanship, combining the longtailed frock coat and the cow-boy's soft slouch hat.

"The first impression that Hearst gives is one of bigness. And the second is that of being a listener. Those who see him invariably talk to him a great deal more than he talks to them. When the meeting is over Hearst is apt to know more about the other man than the other man knows about him.

"Mr. Hearst has a great deal of nervous as 'well as physical strength. This enables him to be patient with many men, and many employees, that constantly demand his personal attention and personal answer. He is able, when necessary, to do with little sleep. And his mind works normally at all hours.

"He has well developed the power, without which no man succeeds as a political leader, of concentrating his energies on one thing.

"Hearst has good-nature and cheerfulness, even under trying conditions. The men who work for him like him on this account. They like him especially because when things go wrong he takes the blame on himself.

"Very lucky for Hearst is the fact that his interests, and therefore his vitality, are not scattered. There is absolutely nothing that he cares for except his family, his newspapers, and his public work in politics. He never goes to a race-track; the race-horses that he inherited with his father's property were turned out to amuse themselves on a ranch.

"He takes absolutely no interest in financial speculation, cares for money only because of the power that it gives to reach the public, and to scatter ideas through newspapers. It is impossible to interest Hearst at all in any mere moneymaking scheme."

MR.

R. BRISBANE goes on to tell what Hearst has done and refused to do. Unionism and the eight-hour day prevail in the mechanical departments of all his papers. He has incurred the enmity of other newspaper proprietors by refusing to join them in any movement to keep down wages and salaries. He has made innumerable legal fights in the interest of the people at his own expense. He is "the greatest creator of intelligent dissatisfaction this country has seen." "He has made dishonest wealth disreputable throughout the nation." The vast property which he owns has not controlled his opinions, but his opinions have controlled his property. He "represents unselfishness in public life." He is "absolutely temperate," does not smoke or drink, is free from fondness for dissipation of any kind, and is a man of unusual physical and mental strength. Mr. Brisbane concludes: "It is not possible now to name a recognized public enemy, without naming at the same time one of Hearst's enemies. Soon it will not be possible to mention an intelligent good man without mentioning a sympathetic, friendly follower of the career of William Randolph Hearst."

IN N a series of brilliant articles in Collier's, Frederick Palmer describes Hearst and his newspaper associates more fully and intelligently than they have ever before been described. Nor does the description seem to be marked by any personal or political animus. In creating his group of papers, says Mr. Palmer, four men have been intimately associated with Hearst, namely: Brisbane, who is the intellectual dynamics of the group; Morrill Goddard, the paint-mixer for the Sunday edition; Sam Chamberlain, the genius of the daily news; and Solomon Carvalho, the business manager, who doesn't believe in publicity for himself and dodges photographers with great success. James Creelman formed a fifth of the group in years gone by, but is no longer