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For APRIL, 1781.


Art. 12. Confiderations fubmitted to the People of Ireland, on their prefent Condition with regard to Trade and Conftitution. In Answer to a Pamphlet lately publifhed, intitled, Obfervations on the Mutiny Bill, &c. Dublin printed, London reprinted. 8vo. I s. 6 d. Stockdale. 1781.


Nour Review for March, p. 199, we gave feveral fpecimens of the inflammatory publication to which these confiderations refer; with remarks on the mifchievous tendency of the doctrines advanced in it. That the judgment we then formed is not fingular, will ap pear by the following general reflections from the Writer now be fore us:

• The effufion of human blood, fays he, which has defolated a confiderable part of the British empire, may in a great meafure be afcribed to the effufion of political ink; and when in this country, and at this time, a pamphlet is put forth, infpiring the people with fentiments of diftruft and of difcontent; endeavouring to prove to them that their trade and conftitution, which had been lately enlarged and fecured in a degree exceeding the example of all former times, are again thrown back into fufpence, by the treachery and venality of the parliament; and laying before the people as matter of notoriety and unquestionable fact, the Author's own fuggeftions of corrupt and criminal intercourfe between the Caftle and perfons of the first rank and confidence in the country; exhibiting at the fame time, under the affectation of general defcription, portraits individually characterifed-fuch a publication, I fay, however it might be neglected in times of national security, is now a serious matter.'


The kingdom of Ireland is no lefs appendant to the Crown of England by law and conftitution, than her fate is by fituation to the fortunes of Great Britain. She cannot rife or fall but with them. This appendancy of Ireland to the Crown of a greater country, in which country too the executive authority of both kingdoms, with its pomp and patronage, refides, does neceffarily create, without any malicious intent, a comparative inferiority; and this comparative inferiority has unavoidably appeared upon fome occafions in symptoms of partiality, no lefs perhaps in point of conftitution than of trade-but does any man look for an Irish revolution ?-does any man wish that Ireland were out of the protection of England?'

Once more:

Our most gracious fovereign, his minifters, and the British nation, muft not be deceived, nor muft the loyal kingdom of Ireland be traduced. Impreffions concerning our people, and particularly our glorious volunteers, muft not be permitted to be taken from the paintings of a man who views our political concerns through the medium of intemperate zeal; and who, impracticable himself, would

give to our politics the fame inflexibility which characterifes his own mind. Eager to accomplish the freedom of Ireland, he feeks it in extremes, and, in the feverity of an unaccommodating fpirit, he lofes the very end he would die to obtain. His arguments and his fentiments are retailed by others who have an intereft in agitating the people, and who, without virtue and talents them felves, endeavour to find the road to public favour by a light reflected from his credit.' After thefe general remarks on the "Obfervations," our Author enters into a particular examination of the reafoning in that publication; and this he conducts with a degree of temper that does not avail itfelf of the glowing colours employed by his antagonist. But after the notice we have already taken of the subject, it will be needlefs to trace an argument over again, which appears to derive more importance from the popular reputation of the pen that took it up, than from any other circumstance.

Art. 13. State of the Finances of France, laid before the King, by Mr. Necker, Director General of the Finances, in the Month of January, 1781. Tranflated from the Paris Edition, printed by Order of his Moft Chriftian Majefly. Svo. 3 s. Becket, &c. 1781.

The Public have heard much of the abilities of M. Necker, and of the flourishing ftate of the revenues of France under his manage ment. His reprefentations, regulations, and plans, appear very fair according to his own statements; and this is the most that can be faid on a fubject, the data and vouchers of which are not intimately before us. They are, however, according to report, under review at Paris; from whence we may in due time learn, whether the finances of our most inveterate enemy are in the clear and improving condition that has often been fo confidently boafted; and whether the financier is justly intitled to the applaufe fo liberally bestowed on him.

Art. 14. A Letter from Cicero to the Right Honourable Lord Viscount H-e, occafioned by his late Speech in the H-e of C8vo. I S. Bew. 1781.


Lord H-e, in the fpeech here alluded to, had contemptuously mentioned this Author's impeachment of his conduct, in his Letters to Catiline the Second*. This was to the Letter writer a fresh provocation; and hath, accordingly, brought on his Lordship this new attack-in which all the Author's former charges against the noble Admiral, and his brother Sir Wm, are repeatedly urged, with the moft fevere aggravations of acrimonious expreffion. Some new matter of accufation is likewife brought forward (but first started in the Letters to Catiline), viz. certain private intrigues, alleged to have taken place between his L-p and Dr. Franklin, before the Doctor left England and, confequently before the noble L-d and his Brother were entrufted with the command of our naval and land forces in America: a truft which this Writer boldly charges them both with having most flagrantly, fhamefully, and wickedly betrayed.

* See Review for last month, Art. 1. of the Catalogue. X 2



fays he, 'I take only a fummary view + of the conduct of your Lordship and your Brother, the whole appears, from the beginning to the end, replete with wicked and deep intrigue against the intereft and fafety of your country.'-This is a dreadful charge; but it is nothing new, every public paper, and pamphlets innumerable, having rung with it for a long time paft: and this active, indefatigable Writer feems determined that the alarm bell fhall never be filent, while he can ufe his hand to pull the rope 1.


Art. 15. Reflections on our Rupture with the Dutch. In two Letters from a Gentleman at the Weft End of the Town to his

Friend in the City. 8vo. I S. Cadell. 1781.

This Writer, who claims an intimate knowledge of the Dutch, blames both parties; the Dutch, for relinquishing that ancient attachment to the English, which was the foundation, and has hitherto been the support, of their independency, for the profpect only of temporary commercial advantages; and England, for attempting to reftrain their trade in articles not prohibited by treaties fubfifting between the two nations. But if the former cenfure is well founded, it is to little purpose to infift on our share in the deviation from mutual attachment; for what is to be expected from a people reprefented as fo devoted to the fpirit of trade, as to make every other principle give way to the balance of immediate pecuniary intereft? The United Provinces are not fo united in measures as in name, being under the influence of two parties; the Stadtholder's, or what may be termed the English party, and the French party, fupported by means that will gain a party in any foil where factions have opportunity to thrive. The prefent weakness of the Stadtholder's party is evident from the impunity of the late private negotiations of the town of Amfterdam, without the concurrence of the States General; and this fact points out the neceffity in all governments, of having a prefiding centre of authority, under whatever name it appears, to connect the different members of a ftate into one confiftent united power.


Art. 16. An Account of an Arrest made at Dacca in Bengal, under Sanction of the British Supreme Court; and a Refcue made by the Head Fouzdar of the Place: with an Introductory Letter, fome Official Papers, and a Brief Gloffary adapted to the Narrative. 4to. 1 s. 6 d. Kearsley. 1781.


In political tranfactions, it is very hazardous to venture too far on

+ Cicero is fufficiently particular, in his pamphlets. Vid. the feveral publications commonly afcribed to Mr. G-w-y.

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Cicero loves juft and legal government, because it is that by which alone the civil rights and freedom of men can be preserved; and he detefts faction, under what name, or in what shape foever it appear, as a Hydra the most monflrous, and an enemy the most dangerous, to human freedom and happinefs. Upon this principle alone, unemployed, unfolicited, and unconnected with any party, he has oppofed and expofed your faction; and will continue to do so, while his fpirit fhall be permitted to interfere in the affairs of men,'

the credit of fpeculation. Mr. Locke is, very jufly, a first-rate au thority in the theory of Government; yet the code of laws which he drew up for the Carolinas, would not stand the test of use; for after the Colony had experienced their inconveniency for a few years, under feveral amendments, the inhabitants petitioned to be taken under the protection of the Crown. A conftitution must grow with a people, like a fhell with the fnail, or it will never fit and protect them. Thus grew the conftitution of Britain, which, with all its excellencies, is no better adapted to the banks of the Ganges, than the government of Indoftan is to the banks of the Thames. To import a ftrange form of government, and impofe it on a grown people, will require a kind of violence fimilar to that which Procruftes ufed to his guests; all their hereditary religious and civil ufages must be lopped or racked to fit it: Mahometans and Gentoos muft eventually be converted into English Chriftians; their native cafts, tribes, and other personal diftinétions, with all the ufages that apply to them, abrogated; their Mofques and Temples overturned; and above all, the doors of their Harams and Zenanas muft be thrown open!

Governor Verelft, in his valuable account of the State of Bengal, hath made fome excellent remarks on the mischievous confequences that must naturally flow from the adoption of English laws in that quarter of the world: it would, he obferves, Speedily operate both to the deftruction of the people, and the ruin of the government.-Vid. Monthly Review, vol. xlviii. p. 89.

The British Agents of our India Company, who are settled in the Eaft, have a clear right to as much benefit from their native laws, as can be confiftently exercifed at fo remote a distance. The Indian natives there, have their own long established laws and ufages; and thefe are fufficient for their ufe, and for ours too, fo far as we have introduced ourselves among them. But to fubject thefe poor natives to the jurifdiction and proceffes of an English provincial court, is to hock their feelings in every inftance, beyond the power of the most rapacious European adventurer that ever extracted a princely fortune from that unhappy country. It is letting loofe a fwarm of legal harpies, in the character of attornies and their myrmidons, the refufe of the profeffion at home, vested with powers to take full difcretional advantage of ignorance, aftonishment, and terror!

Such at least is the refult of the beft information tranfmitted to us of the operation of the Supreme Court of Judicature lately eftablished in the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa: and which, by being extended over all the natives connected with, or tranfacting bufinefs under, the East India Company's establishments there, is by conftruction stretched to the utmost extent. So that when, in dubious cafes, an Indian has been feized by procefs, conveyed a long journey from his bufinefs and family to Calcutta, put to great expence, and, after much lofs of time, is declared to be exempt from the jurisdic-` tion; what ensues? He is difmiffed indeed, and is happy to return home without thinking of what is frequently impoffible to procure,

* On recollection, we believe that the fufferers on the bed of Procruftes were not his guests, but fuch ftrangers as were unhappy enough to fall into the hands of that tyrant.

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indemnification. A fpirit of litigation is encouraged among the people; those who have been caft in their own courts, or in the Mayor's court at Calcutta, are invited to profecute appeals in this Supreme Court; fo that this court is, by fwift ftrides, fwallowing up every jurifdiction round it: the meaneft Indians are ftimulated to take revenge on their fuperiors for ufages that were never esteemed criminal among them until made fo by introducing and enforcing British laws; which, as interlopers, we have no right to attempt, and, however we may spread distraction among them, never can accomplish. What, as an able representation against this measure expreffes it, muft a judge, fworn to execute law, do, if an Indian or Mahometan wife fhould be inftructed to fue out a habeas corpus to release her from confinement; or on any domestic quarrel to demand fureties of the peace against her husband? What would be the confequences, if profecutions fhould be inftituted for bigamy, or for inheritances that may bring this practice in question?

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The pamphlet now under confideration is a defence of the conduct · of Samuel Peat, who united in his own perfon, at Dacca, the profes-fion of an attorney, and the offices of deputy sheriff, and mafter extraordinary in chancery; by the inconfiftent combination of which characters he is enabled to make the most of them. The ftory of the arreft is briefly this, according to other representations: An Indian · watchman of a village had been profecuted by one of his countrymen in the Indian court at Dacca for some misdemeanor, and fentenced to fine and imprisonment. On recovering his liberty, he, by advice, commenced an action in the Supreme English court against Jaggernaut, treasurer of the court at Dacca, for falfe imprisonment, stating his damages at 1200. English. A writ iffued from Calcutta was fent to be executed at Dacca by Peat; who commiffioned his men to arreft Jaggernaut while fitting in court. This infult produced a riot, in which fome Indians were wounded, and during which Jaggernaut efcaped. On the alarm of the difturbance, Peat arrived, and with his piftol fhot Jaggernaut's fon-in-law; who fortunately however did not,die of the wound, Peat in his narrative reprefents it as a legal arreft and a violent refcue; and gives a detail of his difputes with Mr. Rous, the Revenue Chief at Dacca (now in England), and his provincial Council, relative to his powers, which has thrown the whole province, natives and English, into the utmost distraction.

This affair is now taken under confideration of the British Parlia ment, from whofe wifdom it is ardently to be hoped the quiet of the provincial government there may be fecured, and the natives protected in their own laws and ufages from the interference of a foreign jurisdiction, as much as poffible; this appearing to be the best line for reaping the advantages of fo remote an establishment with fecurity. Art. 17. A Journal of the March of the Bombay Detachment, across the Mahratta Country, from Culpee to Surat, in 1778; commanded by Lieut. Colonel Goddard. Together with the Proceedings of the Bombay Army, under Colonel Egerton, in their March towards Poonah. With a Sketch of Colonel Goddard's Route, 410. 2 s. 6d. Faden.

Thefe meagre details may be fomewhat interefting to those who are acquainted with the Mahratta country, and with the tranfactions

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