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other, were he not disqualified by alienage, there he shall be allowed a reasonable time to dispose of the same, and withdraw the proceeds without molestation.

8. That such treaties be made for a term not exceeding ten years from the exchange of ratifications.

9. That these instructions be considered as supplementary to those of October 29th, 1783; and not as revoking, except where they contradict them. That where, in treaty with a particular nation, they can procure particular advantages, to the specification of which we have been unable to descend, our object in these instructions having been to form outlines only, and general principles of treaty with many nations, it is our expectation they will procure them, though not pointed out in these instructions; and where they may be able to form treaties on principles which in their judgment will be more beneficial to the United States than those herein directed to be made their basis, they are permitted to adopt such principles. That as to the duration of the treaties, though we have proposed to restrain them to the term of ten years, yet they are at liberty to extend the same as far as fifteen years with any nation which may pertinaciously insist thereon. And that it will be agreeable to us to have supplementary treaties with France, the United Netherlands, and Sweden, which may bring the treaties we have entered into with them as nearly as may be to the principles of those now directed; but that this be not pressed, if the proposal should be found disagreeable.

Resolved, That treaties of amity, or of amity and commerce, be entered into with Morocco, and the regencies of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, to continue for the same term of ten years, or for a term as much longer as can be procured.

That our ministers to be commissioned for treating with foreign nations, make known to the emperor of Morocco the great satisfaction which congress feel from the amicable disposition he has shown towards these states, and his readiness to enter into alliance with them. That the occupations of the war and distance of our situation have prevented our meeting his friendship so early as we wished. But the powers are now delegated to them for entering into treaty with him, in the execution of which they are ready to proceed. And that as to the expenses of his minister, they do therein what is for the honor and interest of the United States.

Resolved, That a commission be issued to Mr. J. Adams, Mr. B. Franklin, and Mr. T. Jefferson, giving powers to them, or the greater part of them, to make and receive propositions for such treaties of amity and commerce, and to negotiate and sign the same, transmitting them to congress for their final ratification; and that such commission be in force for a term not exceeding two years.

New Hampshire. JOHN LANGDON, NICHOLAS GILMAN.

Massachusetts.

ELBRIDGE GERRY, NATHANIEL GORHAM,

NO. 18, omitted.

NO. 19.

A list of the members who attended the General Convention, which formed the new Constitution, in 1787.

RUFUS KING, CALEB STRONG.

Connecticut.

WM. SAMUEL JOHNSON,
ROGER SHERMAN,
OLIVER ELLSWORTH.
New York.
ROBERT YATES,
ALEXANDER HAMILTON,
JOHN LANSING, JR.

New Jersey.
WM. LIVINGSTON,
DAVID BREARLEY,
WM. C. HOUSTON,
WM. PATTERSON,
JONATHAN DAYton.
Pennsylvania.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
THOMAS MIFFLIN,

ROBERT MORRIS,
GEORGE CLYMER,
THOMAS FITZSIMONS,
JARED INGERSOLL,
JAMES WILSON,
GOVERNEUR MORRIS.

Delaware.

GEORGE READ,

GUNNING BEDFORD, JR.

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NO. 20.

Abstract of the accounts of the respective States, for expenses incurred during the Revolutionary War, as allowed by the Commissioners who finally settled said accounts.

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NO. 21.

Questions proposed by President Washington, for the consideration of the members of the Cabinet, in April, 1793, with the Letter which enclosed

them.

Philadelphia, April 18th, 1793.

Sir, The posture of affairs in Europe, particularly between France and Great Britain, places the United States in a delicate situation, and requires much consideration of the measures which will be proper for them to observe in the war between those powers. With a view to forming a general plan of conduct for the executive, I have stated and enclosed sundry questions to be considered preparatory to a meeting at my house to-morrow, where I shall expect to see you at nine o'clock, and to receive the result of your reflections thereon.

QUEST. 1. Shall a proclamation issue for the purpose of preventing interferences of the citizens of the United States in the war between France and Great Britain, &c.? Shall it contain a declaration of neutrality or not? What shall it contain?

2. Shall a minister from the republic of France be received? 3. If received, shall it be absolutely or with qualifications'; and if with qualifications, of what kind?

4. Are the United States obliged by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with France as applying to the present situation of the parties? may they either renounce them or hold them suspended until the government of France shall be established?

5. If they have the right, is it expedient to do either? and which? 6. If they have an option, would it be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaties in operation?

7. If the treaties are to be considered as now in operation, is the guaranty in the treaty of alliance applicable to a defensive war only, or to a war, either offensive or defensive?

8. Does the war in which France is engaged appear to be offensive or defensive on her part? or of a mixed and equivocal character ?

9. If of a mixed and equivocal character, does the guaranty in any event apply to such a war?

10. What is the effect of a guaranty, such as that to be found in the treaty of alliance between the United States and France ?

11. Does any article in either of the treaties prevent ships of war, other than privateers, of the powers opposed to France, from coming into the ports of the United States to act as convoys to their own merchantmen? or does it lay any other restraints upon them more than would apply to the ships of war of France?

12. Should the future regent of France send a minister to the United States, ought he to be received?

FINIS,

13. Is it necessary or advisable to call together the two houses of congress with a view to the present posture of European affairs? if it is, what should be the particular objects of such call?

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