quested a conference with the American minister. In this conference Mr. Pulteney submitted to Dr. Franklin the terms of reconciliation, about to be proposed to the Americans, under a stipulation, that if disapproved by him, they were to remain a secret. Dr. Franklin expressed his opinion against them, and candidly told Mr. Pulteney they would never be accepted by his countrymen; and that every proposition, implying a voluntary agreement to return to a state of dependence on Great Britain, would be rejected by them.* In April following, David Hartley, also, went to Paris, to sound the American minister as to terms which might probably restore harmony between the two countries. Mr. Hartley was a member of parliament, well acquainted with Dr. Franklin, and was himself very desirous of an accommodation. In a conference, he asked what terms would be accepted by the Americans, whether, in order to obtain peace, they would not grant some superior advantages in trade to Great Britain, and enter into an offensive and defensive bond of alliance with her. He also inquired, whether, if war should be declared against France, the Americans had bound themselves by treaty to join with her against Great Britain. Dr. Franklin informed him, that he was not authorized to propose any terms of reconciliation; he told him, however, that, as to advantages in trade, Great Britain might think herself well off, if, after having injured the Americans, by commencing an unjust war, she could, on making reparation for those injuries, obtain advantages in commerce, equal with other nations. He, also, stated to him, that an offensive alliance with a nation so often engaged in war, could not be expected; and that, in case Great Britain should declare war against France, America would make common cause with the latter.

Soon after this conference, Mr. Hartley, in a friendly note took leave of Dr. Franklin, and in a postscript, alluding to probable future events, added, "If tempestuous times should come, take care of yourself; events are uncertain, and men are capricious." To this the doctor returned the following characteristic answer,

* Franklin's Works, vol. 6, p. 395.

"I thank you for your kind caution; but having nearly finished a long life, I set but little value on what remains of it. Like a draper, when one chaffers with him for a remnant, I am ready to say, as it is only the fag-end, I will not differ with you about it, take it for what you please. Perhaps the best use an old fellow can be put to, is to make a martyr of him." These notes closed the conference with Mr. Hartley at that time.

A gentleman also by the name of Chapman, and a member of the Irish parliament, about the same time visited Dr. Franklin, on his way from Nice, on the pretence of paying his respects to a man of such distinguished reputation.

In the course of conversation he urged Dr. Franklin to state what terms would satisfy the Americans; and whether they would not, on obtaining peace and independence, submit to the navigation acts, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Great Britain. To him the American minister made nearly the same reply as to Mr. Hartley; that peace was of equal value to the English as to the Americans, that the latter were already in possession of independence, and that the grant of this therefore would not be considered a favor, requiring as an equivalent, peculiar advantages in commerce.

Dr. Franklin suspected he might have been requested by lord Shelburne to sound him as to terms of peace.

The American minister at Paris, in the summer of 1778, also, received an anonymous letter, requesting him to make some propositions which might be laid before the king; and he was desired to drop a letter containing them, for a person who would be in the church of Notre-Dame, at a certain time, to be known by a rose in his hat. Dr. Franklin, not choosing to negociate in this way, paid no attention to the request, except to give information to the police officers, who attended at the time and place designated, and saw a person arrive, having the proposed insignia. Not finding the expected letter, the stranger soon retired and took the road to Calais.*

* Franklin's Works, vol. 6, p. 396, and Histoire &c. de la Diplomtie Francaise, vol. 7. II.

7

The British commissioners soon after their arrival at Philadelphia applied to general Washington for a pasport for their secretary, Mr. Ferguson, as the bearer of despatches to congress. The general declined granting a pasport, without orders from that body.

The commissioners then sent their letter by the usual military posts, accompanied with their commission, the acts of parliament under which they acted, together with propositions of conciliation.

The propositions were, "To consent to a cessation of hostilities, both by sca and land."

"To restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and renew the common benefits of naturalization, through the several parts of the empire.

"To extend every freedom to trade, that the respective interests of Britain and America could require.

"To agree, that no military force should be kept up in North America, without the consent of the general congress, or particular assemblies.

"To concur in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation.

"To perpetuate the union, by a reciprocal deputation of an agent or agents, who shall have the privilege of a seat and voice, in the parliament of Great Britain, or, if sent from Great Britain, to have a seat and voice in the assemblies of the different colonies, to which they may be deputed respectively, in order to attend to the several interests of those by whom they may be deputed.

"In short, to establish the power of the respective legislatures in each particular colony, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishments, and to exercise a perfect freedom in legislation and internal government, so that the British colonies throughout North America, acting with Great Britain, in peace and in war, under one common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege, short of a total separation of interests,

or consistent with that union of force, on which the safety of their common religion and liberty depends."

After stating these propositions, the commissioners referred to the connection lately formed with France. "In our anxiety," they observed, "for preserving these several and essential interests, we cannot help taking notice of the insidious interposition of a power, which has, from the first settlement of these colonies, been actuated with enmity to us both. And notwithstanding the pretended date or present form of the French offers to North America, yet it is notorious, that these were made in consequence of the plans of accommodation previously concerted in Great Britain, and with a view to prevent our reconciliation, and to prolong this destructive war."*

Some of the members were indignant at the insinuations in the letter against the honor of their new ally, and when that part was read, which mentioned the "insidious interposition" of France, a motion was made, to proceed no farther, declaring that they could not hear language, reflecting "on the honor of his most christian majesty, the good and faithful ally of these states." This motion, however, was finally postponed, and the letter and papers were read and referred to a committee, consisting of Richard H. Lee, S. Adams, Mr. Drayton, G. Morriss, and Mr. Witherspoon.

Congress now considered the independence of the United States secured by their alliance with France, and that they could listen to no terms, short of an absolute and unconditional acknowledgment of it; they therefore, on the report of this committee, by an unanimous vote, directed their president to send the following answer to the commissioners.

"I have received the letter from your excellencies of the 9th instant, with the enclosures, and laid them before Congress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the effusion of human blood, could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his most christian majesty, the good

Note 2.

and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an independent nation.

"The acts of the British parliament, the commission from your sovereign, and your letter, suppose the people of these states, to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible.

"I am further directed to inform your excellencies, that congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims, from which this war originated, and the savage manner, in which it hath been conducted. They will, therefore, be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties, already subsisting, when the king of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be, an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies."

The British commissioners after their arrival in New-York, sent a second letter to the national legislature, in which they say,— "You propose to us as a matter of choice one or other of two alternatives, which you state as preliminaries necessary even to the beginning of a negociation for peace to this empire.

"One is an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states. We are not inclined to dispute with you about the meaning of words: but so far as you mean the entire privilege of the people of North America to dispose of their property, and to govern themselves without any reference to Great Britain, beyond what is necessary to preserve that union of force, in which our mutual safety and advantage consist; we think that so far their independency is fully acknowledged in the terms of cur letter of the 10th of June. And we are willing to enter upon a fair discussion with you, of all the circumstances that may be necessary to ensure or even to enlarge that independency.

"In the other alternative you propose, that his majesty should withdraw his fleets and his armies.

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Although we have no doubt of his majesty's disposition to remove every subject of uneasiness from the colonies, yet there