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ted States, and the subjects of the king of Great Britain, or the citizens or subjects of any other nation, so far as the same respects articles of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, shall be prohibited."

This resolution was adopted by the house on the 21st of April, by a majority of twenty; and a bill passed in pursuance of it; but it was negatived in the senate, by the casting vote of the vice-president. To meet that state of things, which seemed unavoidable, in the failure of the negociation, congress, after the appointment of Mr. Jay, proceeded to place the country in a posture of defense. The principal ports and harbors were directed to be fortified. A detachment of eighty thousand militia was required from the several states, to be ready, at a moment's warning; the exportation of arms was prohibited for a year, and the importation of brass cannon, muskets, swords, cutlasses, musket ball, lead, and gun powder, was encouraged, by permitting them to come in duty-free; and a corps of artillerists and engineers was established. The president was also authorized to purchase a number of gallies, and to lay an embargo, whenever, in his opinion, the public safety should require it, during the recess of congress. To meet the necessary expenses, the internal taxes were increased by laying duties on carriages, snuff, refined sugar, on sales at auction, and on licenses for selling wines and spirituous liquors by retail. These duties were violently opposed; and that on carriages was declared, by its opponents, unconstitutional; and in Virginia the collection of this tax was disputed, until a decision of the supreme court of the United States in favor of it. The national legislature also, agreeably to the recommendations of the president, at the opening of the session, took measures to prevent the laws and sovereignty of the country from being again outraged by foreigners, as well as to secure the neutrality of the United States from being compromitted by acts of their own citizens. The enlistment of men, either as soldiers or seamen, within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, in the service of any foreign prince or state, was prohibited under a penalty of one thousand dollars, and imprison

ment not exceeding three years, the arming of vessels, in American ports, to be employed in the service of any foreign state, to commit hostilities upon the subjects or citizens of any nation, with whom the United States were at peace; and the issuing of a commission, within the United States, for any vessel to be so employed, were also prohibited under severe penalties; nor was the armament of any foreign vessel to be increased in American ports. Persons who should begin or set on foot, any military expedition or enterprize, to be carried on from the United States, against the dominions of any foreign power at peace with them, were, likewise, subjected to severe punishments; and the president was authorized to employ the land and naval force of the union, to compel the observance of these laws.

During this session Mr. Giles again moved for an investigation into the official conduct of the secretary of the treasury. A committee for this purpose was appointed, (Mr. Hamilton himself desiring an inquiry,) and Mr. Giles was placed at the head of the committee. The result of this investigation, by the political enemies of the secretary, was highly honorable to the talents and integrity of that great financier.

This interesting session of the national legislature closed on the 9th of June, 1794. The independent conduct of the executive, had, for a time, at least, stayed the calamities of war.

It is proper here to state, that Mr. Genet being recalled, his place was supplied by a successor, Mr. Fauchet, who arrived in the United States in February, 1794.

The Brissotine party in France, which sent Genet to America, had been supplanted by that of Robertspiere; and many of the Brissotines were sent to the guillotine; and there can be no doubt, that Genet himself was doomed to the same fate.*

His successor had special orders to send him back to France, and for this purpose to use force, if necessary.

It is not a little singular, that the Jacobin clubs in France, in the formation of which Genet himself had, probably, no inconsiderable share, had denounced him, because he had embroiled his country with general Washington.-Diplomacy of the United States.



Fauchet, therefore, immediately after his arrival, finding that Mr. Genet did not intend to return, requested liberty to arrest and send him back, agreeably to his instructions. This was refused by the president. Still desirous of effecting his object, he enquired whether the executive would oppose his decoying him on board of a French vessel, under the pretence of honoring him with an entertainment, and then sailing with him for FranceThe president not only refused to wink at this clandestine mode of proceeding, but declared he would resist it, if necessary, by force. By this upright and impartial conduct, the president, no doubt saved Mr. Genet from the guillotine.

The conduct of the new French minister was, at first more concialitory than that of his predecessor. It was soon apparant however, that a change of men, had not produced a real change in the measures or views of the French government, by whomsoever administered, in regard to the United States. The real object of France was, to induce the Americans to make common cause with her against her enemies, particularly Great Britain. Complaints were still urged against the conduct of the American executive, as hostile to France and friendly to England. The mission to the court of London, was viewed with particular jealousy and distrust, by the French republic. Aware that this would be the case, the president, about the last of May, 1794, appointed Mr. Munroe, successor to Mr. Morriss, who, at the request of the French government, had been recalled.

The appointment of this gentleman it was supposed might tend to remove these jealousies. His instructions contained an explicit declaration of the president, in favour of the revolution in France. "The president" says the secretary in his letter of instructions," has been an early and decided friend of the French revolution; and whatever reasons there may have been under an ignorance of facts and policy, to suspend an opinion upon some of its important transactions, yet is he immutable in his wishes for its accomplishment; incapable of assenting to the right of any foreign prince, to meddle with its interior arrangement; and persuaded that success will attend their efforts, and

particularly, that union among themselves is an impregnable barrier against external assaults."

With respect to the conduct of the American government towards France, and the mission of Mr. Jay, the instructions say, "from Messrs. Genet and Fauchet we have uniformly learned, that France did not desire us to depart from neutrality; and it would have been unwise to have asked us to do otherwise. For our ports are open to her prizes, while they are shut to those of Great Britain, and supplies of grain could not be forwarded to France with so much certainty, were we at war, as they can even now, notwithstanding the British restrictions; and as they may be, if the demand to be made upon Great Britain should succeed. We have therefore pursued neutrality with faithfulness; we have paid more of our debt to France than was absolutely due, as the secretary of the treasury asserts; and we should have paid more, if the state of our affairs did not require us to be prepared with funds for the possible event of war. We mean to retain the same line of conduct in future, and to remove all jealousy, with respect to Mr. Jay's mission to London, you may say, that he is positively forbidden to weaken the engagements between this country and France. It is not improbable, that you will be obliged to encounter, on this head, suspicions of various kinds. But you may declare the motives of that mission to be, to obtain immediate compensation for our plundered property, and restitution of the posts. You may intimate by way of argument, but without ascribing it to the government, that if war should be necessary, the affections of the people of the United States towards it, would be better secured by a manifestation, that every step had been taken to avoid it; and that the British nation would be divided, when they found, that we had been forced into it. This may be briefly touched upon, as the path of prudence with respect to ourselves; and also, with respect to France, since we are unable to give her aid, of men or money. To this matter you cannot be too attentive, and you will be amply justified in repelling with firmness any imputation of the most distant intention to sacrifice our connection with

France to any connection with England."* After stating, that the subjects of treaties of commerce, of alliance, and of the execu tion of the guaranty of the French Islands, were to be referred to the American government, at home, it is added at the close, "In short it is expected, with a sure reliance on your discretion, that you will not commit the United States, by any specific declarations, except where you are particularly instructed, and except in giving testimony of our attachment to their cause."

* Munroe's View.

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