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me the memorial, a copy of which I herewith transmit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction.

In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the as

H. OF R.

surance which I have given of stating to you my opin-son, in consequence of his arrangement with Mr.

ion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has manifested on the occasions mentioned in his memorial, and of the benefit the public service might derive from his active employment in any public situation in which you should think proper to place him.

I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, LIVERPOOL.

TO SIR GEORGE PREVOST, Baronet, &c.

[The following is the report of the Secretary of State, communicated to the Senate by the Message of the 12th March, 1812.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 12, 1812.

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the Senate of the 10th instant, has the honor to report: That this department is not in possession of any names of persons in the United States who have, in any way or manner whatever, entered into, or countenanced the project or the views for the execution or attainment of which John Henry was, in the year 1809, employed by Sir James Craig; the said John Henry having named no person or persons as being concerned in the said project or views referred to in the documents laid before Congress on the 9th instant. Which is respectfully submitted,

JAMES MONROE..

The Message and documents having been read, Mr. RHEA made a motion to print them.

Mr. PITKIN said, that he had no objection to the papers being printed, but that he rose to protest against the sentiments attributed in these papers to the Federal party, being considered as those of the citizens of the State which he had the honor to represent. He trusted it would not be believed that they had any knowledge of any mission of this kind from Canada, or from any other quarter.

It was the first time that he had heard that the opposition to the embargo in the States of Vermont or Massachusetts had any connexion with the British Government, or with any project of a separation of the Union in any manner, much less under the agency of a British spy. So far as he could understand the papers from the first reading, Mr. P. said they did not intimate that any disclosure had been made to any individual of the United States by Mr. Henry of the object of his mission, or that his scheme had been advocated or supported by any one. And I trust no gentleman will take the character of the parties in any section of this country, from a man who it seems has proved a traitor to his own Government. So far as the statements made in these papers may be considered as involving the party in concert with the Federal party, in any scheme of co-operation with the British Government in divíding the Union, it is one of the grossest libels that ever was uttered. Nor do I feel willing to take the character of the people of this country from the mouth of this man. He does not stop at debasing the character of the people of this

country, but he utters a libel against all parties and against the Government itself. He states. that in the extra session of Congress in May, 1809, there were sixty-one votes against Mr. MadiErskine; when we all know that the vote on the resolution approving of the President's conduct in that affair was no criterion by which to judge. While, therefore, gentlemen will not, as I presume they will not, place any confidence in the statements made by this man against themselves, and against those whom he styles Democrats, I trust they will be equally incredulous as to any statements he has made against those he has called Federalists, with respect to their co-operation with the British Government in dividing tho Union. More especially as they come from one, who, disappointed at not receiving the promised reward from his Government, has turned traitor to his employers.

If, sir, there is any individual in this country, be he of whatever party he may, who has given countenance to this man as a British agent, and has joined him in a scheme of dividing the Union, under the auspices and with the aid of the British Government, I wish he may be known, and I sincerely hope that the House will institute an inquiry on this subject, and let every such man be held, as he ought to be, in contempt by all. I found it impossible, sir, to remain silent under the imputations thrown, or attempted to be thrown upon that section of the United States from which I came, by the papers just read. I will repeat my wishes that the whole business may be fully and promptly developed.

Mr. BIBB said he agreed with the gentleman who just sat down on one point, that a full investigation ought to be had. It was due to the Congress, to our connexions with Great Britain, that an inquiry should be made into the transaction now exposed to view; and, in addition to the motion for printing, he should move a reference of the Message to the Committee of Foreign Relations.

Mr. WIDGERY said it was an old saying among gunners, that you may know the wounded pigeons by their fluttering. He would not undertake, as the gentleman from Connecticut had done, to exonerate his constituents in a body from any implication in this business. One thing, he said, he knew, that the relation given in these documents so exactly coincided with the conduct of some gentlemen in the quarter in which he lived, that he was led to believe in their truth. It by no means followed, because this man had been a spy, that he could not tell the truth. When we look back to the times at which his letters were written, we must believe in their substantial truth. He called upon gentlemen to say, if the conduct of certain characters in those days did not warrant all that was stated of their designs. Let the papers be printed, Mr. W. said, and every one will be able to judge for themselves. Are we to shut our proceedings from the public view in this way, by refusing to publish these things? It is one of the most important communications

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made to Congress at the present session, and why should not the people see it? Let them see and judge. I will make no comments. sir, on this business; but I will say, that it is well known that at the time alluded to in those documents, an opposition to the laws and Government was organized. Mr. W. said he had full confidence in the truth of these documents, and he had therefore no disposition to keep them from his constituents. The House was in duty bound to give full publicity to these papers by printing

them.

Mr. PITKIN disavowed any intention to oppose the printing of these papers.

Mr. GHOLSON said, it was a source of gratification to him, that, so far as the papers communicated by the President could be considered evi dence at all, they were certainly highly honorable testimony in favor of the Eastern section of the Union. An emissary of great talents had been employed by the British in a nefarious seeme to dismember the United States, and to engender treason in the very bosom of our country: and yet, Mr. G. said, it does not seem that this spy has been able to connect with himself any citizen of the United States. If he had held correspondence with any persons of distinction, the presumption is, their names would have been disclosed in the papers that have been read. Mr. G. was happy in cherishing the belief that the liberties of this country would always find a sufficient guarantee against machinations of this sort. in the patriotism of every portion of the Union. This communication, for which the House was indebted to the President, was highly interesting and important in one point of view. It demonstrated, as matter of fact, what had heretofore remained only speculation and conjecture, that the British Government has long meditated the separation of these States; and what is more, that they have actually attempted the execution of this wicked design, and have endeavored to convert our own citizens into traitors! He would

say no more.

Mr. QUINCY said, he was much obliged to the gentleman last up for the view which he had taken of the subject. It had struck him previously with much force, and he meant to have taken the floor to have expressed it. If ever there had existed in the British Government, or any other Government, an idea that there was a party in this country who would associate with it to dissolve this Union, he thanked God that the project was exposed. If it was true, as these papers stated, that this man had been so employed, he thanked God that the mission had been detected. The Administration, in bringing the subject before the House, had done worthily, and the subject ought to be inquired into. What is the fact, admitting all that this person has said

MARCH, 1812.

such an idea as that of a dissolution of the Union to any individual. No, sir; and I dare to say that he never did mention such a thing to any distinguished individual. As far as I know the sentiments of gentlemen in that quarter, they hold this Union dear, and look upon such a connexion as is supposed in these papers with as much abhorrence as any man, however attached he may be to the administration of the Government. Whenever a dismemberment of the Union has been talked of, it has been with awe, and with a fear that the present course of public measures would lead to such an event, and not with a view to bring it about. Sir, I know that other ideas have been spread over the country for the purpose of serving party views. But here, in this temple of our liberties, let us reason with one another according to the evidence before us. I rejoice that the subject has been brought forward, and that an agent so peculiarly adapted to the business in which he was employed has not been able to furnish any evidence of even the connivance of any individual at his mission.

Mr. RHEA said, at the time he had made the motion for printing, he had not the least idea that any opposition would be made to it. He did not say whether these papers were true or not true; whether they attacked any people or not. He hoped, therefore, the discussion of these points would cease. It was no reason against the publication of these documents that they had been disclosed by a British agent. [The SPEAKER observed that no objection had been made by any gentleman to the printing.) All the transactions respecting Andre and Arnold had been printed, so far as the Congress could lay their hands on them; and why not these? If this man be a British spy or traitor, as he has been called, and what he states is not true, one thing is admitted: that the British are capable of employing persons of infamous character, by fabrications like these. to throw an odium on particular sections of the country. So that, on any view, this affair should be disclosed, if it were only to produce a firm union among the people. We all remember the publications of the period to which these papers refer, and the declarations then made; but all these would not induce me, at this moment, to say that all Mr. Henry says is true. This will be better understood when the committee shall make their report.

Mr. SEYBERT moved to increase the number of copies proposed to be printed to 5,000.

Mr. WRIGHT said, that such an extraordinary communication as that just received from the President, reflecting so much on various sections and parties of the Union, required serious consideration before they consented to publish such gross abuse of every portion of our people. Gentlemen should reflect that this very disclosure

to be true? Why, that an agent from the British might be one of the means used by this miscreant Government, under circumstances peculiarly aus- to divide this country. If he wished to promote picious and suitable to his purpose, goes to the division, how could he better attain his object spot which he represents as the hotbed of opposi- than by denouncing the people of a particular tion, to stir up disunion, and his papers do not section? Who is this man, and where is he? is contain an intimation that he dared to mention | an inquiry that ought to be made. I am not one

INDEX

TO THE PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE
TWELFTH CONGRESS.

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a bill from the House of Representatives
making appropriations for support of the,
read twice, and referred

Anderson, Mr., speech of, on the bill to raise an
additional military force -
remarks of, on joint resolution for a recess
124 Appointment of Officers, &c., a Message from
the President of the United States in re-
lation to, referred

54

213

312

117

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Adjournment, Mr. Leib presented a joint resolu-
tion concerning, read

300

-

302

Apportionment of Representatives, a bill from the
House of Representatives for the, read
twice

amended, and ordered to a third reading
read a third time, and passed as amended
the House of Representatives disagree to the
amendment, and ask a conference, which
is granted

report of the managers that they could not
agree, and the Senate resolve to insist
the House of Representatives receded
Appropriations and Expenditures, Mr. Smith, of
Maryland, submitted a resolution direct-
ing the Secretary of the Treasury to lay
before the Senate a view of the, &c.

agreed to
report of the Secretary, in obedience to the
resolution, ordered to be printed

Armies of the United States, a bill concerning

24

26

27

29

31
84

172

195

201

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agreed to, and a committee on the subject
appointed

the House of Representatives concur in the

same

resolution reported, fixing the 6th July for,

read

a joint resolution from the House of Repre-
sentatives to the same effect, read

read a second time

ordered to a third reading -

read a third time, and concurred in

12th CON. Ist SESS.-A

315

the Treasury to suspend the payment of

315

certain bills drawn by, read twice -

318

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reported amended, and ordered to the third
reading -

reported without amendment, and ordered
to a third reading

263

-

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read a third time, and passed as amended
returned from the House of Representatives
with agreement to the amendments with
an amendment, which was concurred in
a bill from the House of Representatives
for the more perfect organization of the
a bill from the House of Representatives
making further provision for the, read
referred and reported without amendment -
read a second and third time, and passed
Arsenals and Magazines, a report from the Sec-
retary of War on the subject of
Artificers, a bill from the House of Representa-
tives for organizing a corps of

318
319

-

238 Benton, Captain Selah, a bill from the House of

-

317

Representatives for relief of
read a second time, and referred
reported without amendment
ordered to a third reading -

119

120

122

123

303

read a third time, and passed

124

Berlin and Milan Decrees, Mr. Reed submitted
a resolution in relation to the -

103

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report of the Secretary of the Treasury in
obedience

166

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N

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