shall be actually engaged as an embodied military force in active service, armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, transported, and paid by the United States in accordance with the Regulations of the United States Army and such orders as may from time to time be issued from the War Department, and in no other manner; and they shall be considered as disbanded from the service of the United States whenever the President may so direct.

In connection with this force the governor is authorized to appoint the following officers, who will be recognized and paid by the United States, to wit: One major-general, to command the whole of the State forces brought into service, who shall be the same person appointed by the President to command the United States Military Department of the West, and shall retain his commission as major-general of the State forces only during his command of the said department; one adjutant-general, one inspector-general, and one quartermaster-general, each with the rank and pay of a colonel of cavalry; three aids-de-camp to the governor, each with the rank and pay of a colonel of infantry; brigadier-generals at the rate of one to a brigade of not less than four regiments; and division, brigade, and regimental staff officers not to exceed in numbers those provided for in the organization prescribed by the act approved July 22, 1861, "for the employment of volunteers," nor to be more highly compensated by the United States, whatever their nominal rank in the State service, than officers performing the same duties under that act.

The field officers of a regiment to be one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the officers of a company to be one captain, one first and one second lieutenant.

When officers of the said State forces shall act in conjunction with officers of the United States Army of the same grade, the latter shall command the combined force.

All disbursements of money made to these troops or in consequence of their employment by the United States shall be made by disbursing officers of the United States Army, assigned by the War Department, or specially appointed by the President for that purpose, who will make their requisitions upon the different supply departments in the same manner for the Missouri State forces as similar requisitions are made for other volunteer troops in the service of the United States.

The Secretary of War will cause any additional regulations that may be necessary for the purpose of promoting economy, insuring regularity of returns, and protecting the United States from fraudulent practices to be adopted and published for the government of the said State forces, and the same will be obeyed and observed by all in office under the authority of the State of Missouri.

By order:

JULIUS P. GARESCHÉ,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 100.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

Washington, November 16, 1861.

Complaint has been made to the President of the United States that certain persons within the State of Virginia, in places occupied by the forces of the United States, claim to be incumbents of civil officesState, county, and municipal-by alleged authority from the Commonwealth of Virginia, in disregard and violation of the "declaration of the people of Virginia represented in convention at the city of Wheeling, Thursday, June 13, 1861,” and of the ordinances of said convention, and of the acts of the general assembly held by authority of said convention. It is therefore ordered, by direction of the President, that if any person shall hereafter attempt within the State of Virginia, under the alleged authority of said Commonwealth, to exercise any official powers of a civil nature within the limits of any of the commands of the occupying forces of the United States, unless in pursuance of the declaration and ordinances of the convention assembled at Wheeling on the 13th day of June, 1861, and the acts of the general assembly held by authority of said convention, such attempt shall be treated as an act of hostility against the United States, and such person shall be taken into military custody. Commanding officers are directed to enforce this order within their respective commands.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, November 27, 1861.

The municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown, in this District, having appointed to-morrow, the 28th instant, as a day of thanksgiving, the several Departments will on that occasion be closed, in order that the officers of the Government may partake in the ceremonies.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE.

WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

In the midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound solicitude, chieflv turning upon our own domestic affairs.

SUGGESTIVE CARTOONS OF 1861

The upper one, showing foreign potentates receiving with pleasure the news of disunion, is a true presentation of conditions. England hastened to accord belligerent rights to the South, which raised the Confederate commerce-destroyers, in the eyes of nations, from pirate vessels whose crews should be executed when caught, to privateers legitimately warring on the enemy's trade. Napoleon III, Emperor of France, was constantly in negotiation with the Confederates, trying to find an opportunity to do the Federal Government harm. Following the lead of England and France, the other nations, deprived of cotton by our blockade, were equally unfriendly. Aristocracy in Europe sympathized with oligarchy in America.

The lower cartoon, from the most influential publication of the time, Harper's Weekly, reveals a phase of Lincoln's troubles that is little recognized. His place in the memories of his countrymen is now wreathed with the rarest garlands they can bestow. When his administration began, however, he was misunderstood and underrated. He was represented as telling questionable yarns when he should be attending to vital business. One of the keenest newspaper men of the time considered him a "simple Susan." His secret trip through Baltimore, where assassins awaited him, branded him with cowardice. And his habitual optimism earned for him the reputation of caring little whether the Union lived or died. The cartoon represents him as maudlin drunk while the funeral of the Union passes by.

A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign intervention.

Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them.

The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.

The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.

It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our country and the stability of our Government mainly depend not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted.

I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.

Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defenses on every side. While under this general recommendation provision for