reply to the same pamphlet, says: "How much you have misrepresented and abused the gentlemen of New Haven, Mr. J. I. has informed the world," &c. The initials are Mr. Ingersoll's. He was a member of Mr. Noyes's church and-if not a Son of Liberty-an "accomplice" in the opposition to President Clap. A few years afterwards (1763), when a memorial was brought to the General Assembly asking a commission of visitation, to inquire into the affairs of the college and rectify abuses, Mr. Ingersoll and Wm. Samuel Johnson appeared as counsel for the memorialists.

Another prominent citizen of New Haven, Thomas Darling, Esq., afterwards judge of the county court, took sides with Dr. Gale in the controversy. He graduated at Yale two years before Jared Ingersoll, and was a tutor from 1743 to 1745—when President Clap and the college were coöperating with the Arminians. He was a son-in-law of the Rev. Mr. Noyes, and belonged to his church. In 1756, he published (without his name) "Some Remarks on President Clap's History, &c., of the Doctrines of the N. E. Churches." In this pamphlet he refers to the statements respecting the affairs of the college, made by "the learned and ingenious author A. Z." (Dr. Gale), and to the methods which were taken to discredit them: " they were ridiculed," he says, "in a way of drollery, and endeavored to be laughed out of doors, as proceeding from a club of Hereticks." (p. 44).

In the course of his Remarks, Mr. Darling alludes to a project of forming a General Association and constituting it a "supreme ecclesiastical court:" but he says—

"These things will never go down, in a free State, whose people are bred in and breathe a free air, and are formed upon principles of Liberty . . . . As to us in this country, we are Free-born, and have the keenest sense of Liberty, and haven't the least notion of pampering and making a Few great, at the expense of our own Liberty and Property." (pp. 109, 110).

Mr. Darling had been the tutor and became the intimate friend of Ezra Stiles-who, between 1752 and 1755, was studying law and practising it, in New Haven. Mr. Stiles's relations to the college were such as to forbid his taking an open stand in opposition; but those who are familiar with his personal history at this period,* and who know his aversion to

* Holmes's Life of Stiles, 31-54; Prof. Fisher's Commem. Discourse, 73-80.

creeds and tests, would not be surprised to learn that he was at some time associated with the "Sons of Liberty." For many years—during his residence in Newport, and after he became president of Yale-he maintained a friendly correspondence with Dr. Gale. The latter never overcame his antipathy to political New Lights and "the Eastern faction," and expressed his opinions of both, very freely, in his letters to President Stiles.

Colonel John Hubbard was one of "the leading men of New Haven" and perhaps one of those to whom Dr. Trumbull particularly alluded, as being opposed to the college and to all confessions of faith. President Stiles married one of his daughters, in 1757. In politics, Colonel Hubbard cordially agreed with Dr. Gale.

Mr. Ingersoll claimed "the honor of having been the author of the title of Sons of Liberty in 1765-since he was the sole reporter of Barré's speech. His report was, professedly, only a "sketch." That it was verbatim is highly improbable, to say the least. The title, which was to him a familiar one, may have found its way into the speech when he was writing out his notes so as to do the best justice possible to the eloquence of the speaker. Or-Mr. Ingersoll may have been mistaken in believing himself "the author," in any sense, of this title. The Connecticut association of Sons of Liberty in 1765 may have been-it is indeed highly probable that it was only the revival, under new leaders and with changed plans, of the association known by the same name ten years before.

The earlier Sons of Liberty-the men who acted in concert with Dr. Gale in 1765-were conservatives and loyalists. They contended for those rights and liberties, only, to which they were entitled as free-born British subjects. They protested against the imposition by parliament of stamp duties, or other internal taxes, on the colonies, because such taxation was an infringement of "the essential rights and privileges of the British constitution" to which the King's subjects in the Plantations claim a general right, as their birthright and inheritance;" of even "that fundamental privilege of English

men, whereby, in special, they are denominated a free people."* They were ready to use all lawful means to prevent such an infringement. But if Parliament should insist, they saw nothing else to do than to submit. Forcible resistance was not to be thought of and they had learned to abhor the very name of "separation." Governor Fitch and Jared Ingersoll did all that was in their power to defeat the Stamp Bill: but when the bill had passed into an act of parliament, the former swore to maintain and the latter accepted office under it. And each acted, no doubt, "from principles of loyalty to the King and from a serious and tender concern for the privileges of the Colony," as well as "from a just regard for his own interest, reputation, and usefulness in life."+

"The Respectable Populace" took a different view of the matter. "The people's spirits took fire, and burst into a blaze"-wrote Mr. Ingersoll: "They increased in opposition to the act, and seemed determined, at all events, not to submit to it." Foremost in opposition, were the representatives of the "Eastern Faction." Stephen Johnson of Lyme and William Williams of Lebanon spoke for them through the New London press. In the Council chamber they had Trumbull of Lebanon, the two Huntingtons, of Norwich and Windham, Griswold of Lyme, Dyer of Windham, and Conant of Mansfield, not one of whom consented to take the stamp-act oath, or even to be present when it was administered to the governor. Putnam and Durkee and Hugh Ledlie were among the leaders of the men of the eastern counties, who marched, in organized bands, in open defiance of law, to New Haven and Hartford to demand the stamp-master's resignation. "But," asked Mr. Ingersoll, by way of remonstrance, "do you think it is fair that the counties of New London and Windham should dictate to all the rest of the colony?" "It doesn't signify to parley," he was told; "here is a great many people waiting. and you must resign."

*"Reasons why the Br. Colonies in America should not be charged with Internal Taxes, etc. Offered in behalf of the Colony of Connecticut" (1764). This pamphlet was written (chiefly) by Gov. Fitch.

+"Some reasons which influenced the Governor to take the Oath," &c. (Written by Gov. Fitch.) 1766.

In the spring of 1766, Governor Fitch was displaced, and the four councillors who had taken, with him, the oath to enforce the stamp-act, were left out of office. His friends tried. in vain to effect a counter-revolution, after the repeal of the act in 1766. Dr. Gale still hoped "to baffle the Eastern faction," but the new Sons of Liberty were too strong for him, and he began to realize that conservatism and loyalty were becoming unpopular. "I expect nothing less than the greater sentence of excommunication pronounced against me"-he wrote in August, 1766, to Dr. Stiles: "but I have been so often damned in this world, I have great hopes of rewards in the next." Even New Haven failed him, and in the spring of 1767 sent Roger Sherman to the General Assembly again. "Col. Hubbard wanted but two votes of a choice; but," wrote Dr. Gale, "New Light, St-Acts, and Satan hindered. Strange that such a town as New Haven should be infatuated when Col. Hubbard, Darling, Ingersoll, and a number of others are among the living." Six months later, he seems to have been convinced that further effort to stem the popular current would be hopeless. His loyalty to the Crown was shaken, and he foresaw what must be the issue of the contest into which Great Britain was driving her American colonies. In a letter to Dr. Stiles, Oct. 15th, 1767, he thus expresses his convictions:

"You seem to think Imperial Wisdom will not espouse measures that will produce alienation or relaxation of affection of the Colonies to the Parent State. I think, Sir, it is already done, and we shall forever hereafter maintain a jealousy of them. . . . . Power is an alluring bait, be sure, to little minds and those who don't thoroughly understand Human Nature. Wisdom and a Diadem are not always connected. The Stamp Act has laid the foundation for America's being an Independent State."

ARTICLE VI.—THE RECENT TROUBLES AT ETON COLLEGE.

THE Controversy which has lately broken out at Eton, and which has ended in the dismissal, by Dr. Hornby, the head master, of Mr. Oscar Browning, an assistant master of fifteen years standing, has a more than local interest.

It brings into strong relief some peculiar features which characterize the school; it shows us the efforts which are being made for progress and improvement, and the obstacles to their success; and, by the correspondence and comments which it has called forth, it furnishes an interesting picture of English public feeling respecting the education of boys.

Our distance from the scene of controversy, so far from being a disadvantage, may aid us in detecting the causes of the difficulty, and in estimating its real significance. At the outset, however, it seems necessary to recall in a few words the characteristic features of Eton school.

Eton is the largest, the richest, and the most conservative of the great English public schools. It numbers from eight hundred to nine hundred scholars, of whom seventy, the "Foundationers," who are required to be pauperes et indigentes, receive their support from the funds of the school; while the remainder, the "Oppidans" or filii nobilium, pay for instruction and board, dues which do not fall far short of £200 per annum.

Zeal for athletic sports, which have an important and recognized place, so that a valuable member of the "school eleven" or of the "eight-oar" may expect exemption from the consequences of neglected school work or even from the penalties of serious misdemeanor; the traditions of the school, which favor truthfulness and manliness; and the relation of the Tutor to the boys of his House, are the three most important formative influences of Eton life.

The classical masters, in number somewhat less than twenty, have the privilege of keeping, on their own account, Boarding Houses for the boys of the upper school. They receive these houses free of rent, and derive from them a large part of their