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G. Champlin, John Chapman, James Cochran, William Craik, Samuel W. Dana, John Dennis, William Edmond, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Henry Glen, Chauncey Goodrich, William Gordon, Roger Griswold, John A. Hanna, Robert Goodloe Harper, Thomas Hartley, William Hindman, Hezekiah L. Hosmer, James H. Imlay, James Machir, William Matthews, Lewis R. Morris, Harrison G. Otis, Isaac Parker, Thomas Pinckney, John Reed, John Rutledge, jr., James Schureman, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thomas Sinnickson, Nathaniel Smith, Peleg Sprague, George Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Tho mas Tillinghast, John E. Van Alen, Peleg Wadsworth, Robert Waln, and John Williams.

The question, of course, recurred upon the original resolution, when

Mr. EDMOND rose, and said that when this resolution was first laid upon the table, on hearing the observations of the gentleman who made it, that in the course of his travels he had met a number of gentlemen unacquainted with these laws, stating also a general ignorance of the people respecting them, and that certain rough drafts of bills had been read for the sedition law, it occurred to his mind that the first view of the Legislature, after passing laws, being to make them known to the people, if these laws are not sufficiently known, they ought to be. It struck him, also, that as certain incendiaries appeared to be taking advantage of this ignorance, it afforded an additional reason for making them known as soon as possible; he had, therefore, determined to vote for them. But, after seeing the several amendments which had been proposed, and hearing the arguments adduced against the measure; when he was informed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and others, that these laws had been printed in handbills, and published more than any other laws; that they had been made the groundwork for meetings and declamations of self-created orators, and of persons ill disposed towards our Government, for the purpose of creating uneasiness; he saw no necessity for the publication. since the Legislature had done its duty in having the laws published in the usual way; and, the original resolution being unnecessary, the amendments are equally unnecessary. It appears that both these laws and the Constitution are well known, and that an extra publication of them could have no other effect than to invite the people to assemble together, once more to act over the same scenes of disorder and confusion, which have been acted too often already. He should, therefore, vote against the proposition.

Mr. GALLATIN wished to set the gentleman from Connecticut right in one respect. He did not be'lieve the gentleman from South Carolina had said a word about any meetings in Pennsylvania; if there had been any, he himself had not heard of them.

Mr. EDMOND declared he had not said anything about meetings in Pennsylvania.

The question on the original resolution was then taken, and decided in the negative-yeas 34, nays 45, as follows:

YEAS-Abraham Baldwin, David Bard, Thomas

[DECEMBER, 1798

Blount, William Charles Cole Claiborne, John Clop ton, John Dawson, Joseph Eggleston, Lucas Elmen dorf, Albert Gallatin, William Gordon, Andrew Gregg Robert Goodloe Harper, Carter B. Harrison, Jonatha N. Havens, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, Walte Jones, James Machir, Nathaniel Macon, William Mat thews, Blair McClenachan, Anthony New, John Ni cholas, Josiah Parker, William Smith, Richard Dobb Spaight, Richard Sprigg, Richard Stanford, Georg Thatcher, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Van Cort landt, Joseph B. Varnum, and John Williams.

NAYS-Bailey Bartlett, Jonathan Brace, Davi Brooks, Robert Brown, Christopher G. Champlin, Joh Chapman, James Cochran, William Craik, Samuel W Dana, John Dennis, George Dent, Wm. Edmond, Thos Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jonathan Freeman Henry Glen, Chauncey Goodrich, Roger Griswold, Joh L. Hosmer, James H. Imlay, Matthew Locke, Lewi A. Hanna, Thomas Hartley, William Hindman, Hezekia R. Morris, Harrison G. Otis, Isaac Parker, Thoma Pinckney, John Reed, John Rutledge, jr., Jame Schureman, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thoma Sinnickson, Nathaniel Smith, Peleg Sprague, Richar Thomas, Mark Thomson, Thomas Tillinghast, Joh E. Van Alen, Abraham Venable, Peleg Wadsworth and Robert Waln.

MONDAY, December 17.

M. W. CLAIBORNE laid the following resolution upon the table:

tives of America in Congress assembled, That th "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representa Secretary of State be, and he is hereby, authorized an directed to cause to be printed a certain number of copie not exceeding

thousand of the Constitution of the United States, together with the amendments which have been made thereto, and to cause the same to be dis tributed gratis throughout the United States."

Ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. GALLATIN, from the committee directed to from certain States, reported a bill, which wa prepare and report a bill respecting balances du read and committed.

NUMBER OF ARMED VESSELS, &c.

Mr. NICHOLAS said, that as the law of last ses sion for increasing the Navy Establishment ha given great discretionary powers to the Presiden of the United States, he thought it proper that th House should receive some information as to wha had been done in consequence of these power particularly as it appeared to be an avowed objed to increase the Navy Establishment during th present session. He therefore proposed the fo lowing resolution:

66 Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be d rected to lay before this House an account of all the arme vessels employed in, or preparing for, the service of th United States, with an estimate of the expenses of the equipment, and of their annual support."

Mr. J. PARKER had no objection to this inquiry but as the committee already appointed to co sider and report on the subject of the Navy Estal lishment, will certainly make this a part of the business, he did not see any necessity for this res lution. He, as one of that committee, shou

DECEMBER, 1798.]

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Mr. NICHOLAS thought if there was no objection to the information being obtained, it was not a sufficient reason for dispensing with the resolution, because a committee already appointed might possibly make it a part of their duty to give the information required to the House. He saw no reason, if the information was necessary and proper, why the House should wait for it until a select committee should think proper to give it to

them.

Mr. OTIS wished the gentleman from Virginia would suffer his resolution to lie upon the table till to-morrow. He himself should have no objection to wait for this information until the committee which had been appointed should give it; but, if this resolution were passed, he should wish it to be more particular. He should wish to know of what force the vessels are, what part of them have been purchased, and what part built and where. He agreed this was information which the House ought to possess; but was of opinion that a select committee had better obtain it and lay it before the House.

Mr. NICHOLAS had no objection to the resolution laying till to-morrow, nor to its being made more particular.

CENSUS.

Mr. DAWSON moved that the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to prepare and report a bill for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.

Mr. OTIS thought a select committee would be preferable to a standing committee for this business; but Mr. MACON suggested that the law would require a considerable sum to carry it into execution. The propriety of the reference was allowed, and the motion agreed to.

TUESDAY, December 18.

IMPEACHMENT OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. A message was received from the Senate, notifying the House that William Blount, impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors before the Senate, by this House, though he had been duly summoned, had not appeared at the bar of the Senate at the time appointed; and that the Senate would be ready to receive the managers at twelve o'clock this day, to take farther order in this trial.

On motion of Mr. HARPER, this message was referred to the managers of the impeachment, who had leave to sit during the session of the House.

NUMBER OF ARMED VESSELS.

Mr. J. PARKER said, if his colleague (Mr. NiCHOLAS) would withdraw the resolution which he yesterday laid upon the table, relative to the Navy Establishment, he would present one, by direction of the committee which had been appointed on this subject, containing more particulars, which would embrace all the objects of his colleague. It was to the following effect:

"Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to lay before this House an account of all armed

United States, particularizing where the same were built, or are building, and under what contract; their respective sizes, number of guns, and complement of men, and the names of the commanders of such as are in commission, with a statement of the expense of the equipment of each, and of its annual support."

Mr. NICHOLAS had no objection to the substitution of this resolution for the one which he yesterday proposed, and it was agreed to by the House.

IMPEACHMENT OF WILLIAM BLOUNT.

Mr. HARPER, from the committee of managers of the impeachment of William Blount, to whom had been referred the message of the Senate of this morning, reported, as their opinion, that it would be proper for the managers to attend before the Senate at the time appointed, to request a further day for preparing their proceedings in the said impeachment.

The House took up the report and agreed to it. No other business appearing before the House, it adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, December 19.

Mr. HARPER, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, which was committed for Friday.

DIRECT TAX LAW.

Mr. GORDON said, it would be recollected, that when the bill for laying a direct tax upon the United States was under consideration, certain amendments were proposed, which, for want of One of these, which retime, were passed over. lated to the conveyance of lands, he thought essential; and, in order to bring the subject before the House, he moved that the Committee of Ways and Means be directed to inquire whether any, and, if any, what amendments are necessary in that act, and that they report by bill or otherwise.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE CONSTITUTION. Mr. W. CLAIBORNE called up the resolution which he laid upon the table on Monday, for causing a number of the Constitution of the United States, as amended, to be printed and distributed gratis throughout the United States.

The House having agreed to take it up,

Mr. C. hoped the resolution would be agreed to, as he conceived the information which it proposed to give to the people would be highly desirable. It had been conceded by all, that the circulation of the Constitution as amended, had been very limited, and that the amendments are unknown in some parts of the Union. He said he should rejoice to see our form of Government in the hands of every freeman in the country; nor, if gentlemen wished it to be understood, respected, and obeyed, could recurrence be too frequently had to first principles. When the people are in full possession of these, it could not be doubted that their vigilance would preserve the Constitution inviolate to the latest posterity. How far

DECEMBER, 1798.]

been printed and circulated through the Union; so that there is no part of the country where the laws and Constitution cannot be easily obtained; but these copies, and this information, is continually multiplied, by making it the interest of the printers to publish them on their own account, so that every man who wishes for this information, may get it at any printing office in the country, much better than by applying to the Secretary of State for it. The wants of the people are better known in this respect by the printers than by the Secretary of State. And suppose 50,000 copies of the Constitution and amendments were printed, they would not furnish a copy for every hundredth man. Who, then, are to be the favored individuals to whom these copies are to be sent ? He could not tell. But as any one by expending sixpence might at present purchase one for himself, he saw no necessity for the present motion, especially, since by discouraging printers from publishing them on their own account, those who did not get a copy given to them, would have to pay double price for them, on account of the decreased demand. It was on this account, Mr. S. said, that he considered the measure as calculated to restrain, rather than increase information on this subject.

Mr. THATCHER said, that when he saw this subject brought forward again and again, it struck him that the gentleman from Tennessee has got certain complex impressions upon his mind, which he is not able to analyze. He seems to think that the people in his part of the country do not know what the Constitution is; yet if he would look back six or seven years, and see what the people have done, as well in those parts of the Union as in others, the conclusion must be that the people are well informed with respect to the Constitution, or that they are in such a situation as that a publication of 40,000 copies of that instrument would be of no use to give them the information. But they certainly, said Mr. T., do understand, at least, the practical parts of the Constitution, as they have several times exercised their rights as electors under it. It was in vain, therefore, for the gentleman to say that his constituents are ignorant of the Constitution; since this alone shows that they are acquainted with the practical parts of it, which is all that it is of immediate consequence for the people to know.

Look upon the subject, said Mr. T., in another point of view. For six or eight years past, a session of Congress has not passed, in which some law has not been enacted, which certain gentlemen have deemed unconstitutional. This they have publicly declared, and the declaration has gone forth to the people, and engaged the attention. and undergone the examination of clubs, of mobs, and of legislatures. Could this examination have taken place, said he, and yet the people be ignorant of the Constitution? Certainly not, and therefore the people in the Western country either do know what the Constitution is, or they have remained in a state of mental apathy, from which they could not be roused, though told that the Constitution was invaded, and their liber

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ties about to be destroyed. If they could not be roused by this stimulus, it follows of course, said Mr. T. that they are in a state of mental darkness, and "that a pair of spectacles might as well be put upon the nose of a dead man, as that information should be sent among these people!"

Another argument to show the impropriety of the present resolution. There is no State in the Union which does not contain a printing press. He doubted not the State of Tennessee had its printer, and that he was not so fully employed, but that, if he thought there would be any considerable demand for the Constitution of the United States, he would find time to print it; and the gentleman would not say that his constituents cannot afford to purchase it, since they can afford to buy slaves, and, of course, must possess considerable property. Upon the whole, the gentieman had himself convinced him, that there is no demand for the Constitution in his State; or that, if there be, those who want it may be readily supplied; he should, therefore, vote against the motion.

Mr. HARPER felt no difficulty in confessing, that the more he reflected on this subject, in consequence of the motion which he himself made, and the variety of amendments which had been proposed to it, the more he doubted the propriety of the Government of the United States making any of these extra publications. He was, however, far from wishing to oppose a proper publication of the Constitution as amended, nor did he think the arguments which had been used against the measure were sufficiently strong to show it to be unnecessary. Printers are not always inclined to run the risk of publications, though, in the end, they might be well paid for their trouble; and, indeed, some people would be ready to accept a copy of the Constitution, gratis, and read it, who would not themselves purchase it. He was not, however, in favor of the present motion. He was aware that there was a want of an authentic copy of the Constitution as amended. The edition of the laws which had been mentioned, contained all the amendments but one; but one, he believed, it did not contain. It occurred to him that the publication of the laws authorized by the Government does not extend to the laws which may be passed during the present Congress. Might it not, then, said he, be proper to give this business some form of this kind, viz; That the Secretary of State be authorized to publish a like number (5000) of the laws of the present Congress, and that the whole Constitution be prefixed to the publication. This would insure a general circulation of an authentic copy of the Constitution, which might be multiplied as printers saw proper. Mr. H. was not confident that this course would be the best; he barely suggested it; and, that, the subject might be more fully considered, he moved to refer it to a select committee.

Mr. NICHOLAS hoped this course would not be taken, since he had heard no real objection to the original motion. Several had, indeed, been mentioned, one of them of a very extraordinary na