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Published at the Request of the Vice-chancellor, &c. 8vo. 68

2. Before the University of Cambridge, at St. Mary's, on Com. mencement Sunday, July 4, 1756. By John Ross, Ó. D. Fellow of St. John's College. 410. 6d. Beecroft.

3. Our Duty as Patriots, Protestants, and Christians, in a Time of War. At Haberdasher's Hall, May 23, on the Declaration of War, &c. By Thomas Gibbons. 8vo. 68. Buckland.

4. The Voice of Danger the Voice of God. At St. Alban's, and at Box-Jane—with a view to the apprehended Invasion. By J. Grigg. 8vo. 6d. Buckland:

5. The Charakter and Blefjedness of those who die in the Lord. At Bath, April 14, 1756, on the death of the late Rev. Bennet Stevenson, D.D.' By John Frank. 8vo. 6d. Henderson.

6. The Glory of any Houfe erected for public Worship, and the true Principles, religious, civil, and social, of Protestant Diffenters.-At the opening of the new Chapel in St. George's of Colgate in Norwich, May 12th, 1756. By John Taylor, D.D. 8vo. Waugh.

7. At Chester Aflize, April 19, 1756. By Abel Ward, M. A. Archdeacon of Chester. 8vo. 6d. Hitch.

8. The Importance and Neceffity of his Majesly's Declaration of War-Preached May 23, 1756. By Richard Winter. 8vo. 6d. Dilly.

9. St. Paul's Infruction to the Christian Preacher At the Bishop of Lincoln's Visitation at Huntingdon, June 4, 1756. By John Pennington, A. M. Rector of All Saints in Huntingdon, and Prebendary of Lincoln. 8vo. 6d. Dod.

10. At Harleston, May 23, 1756, on the Declaration of War, By Isaac Smithson. 8vo. 6d. Waugh.

11. The Gospel Credibility Defended against the Objection of Deo crease by the Length of Time,- before the University of Oxford, July 4, 1756. By Charles Hall, B. D. Fellow of C. C. C. &c. svo 6d. Fletcher and Rivington.

12. At St. Mary-le-Bow, April 26, 1756, in pursuance of the Will* of Mr. John Hutchins, Citizen of London. By Thomas Afhton, A. M. Rector of St. Botolph, Bishop's-gate, and Fellow of Eaton College. 4to. 6d. Whifton.

13. Dr. Free's, before the Anti-Galican's, at St. John's Southwark, May 29, 1756. 4to. 9d. Sandby.

* On the Excellency of our Liturgy.

ERRATA in laft Month's Review, Page 475. 1. 12. for desires, read, requires. goo, 1. 17. for fame, read, tame.



are, read, is. P. 547, l. 21, for recommend, read, recommended. P. 559, 1. 26, for not, read, yet,

P. 507:



For AUGUST, 1756.

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Memoirs of Maximilian Duke of Sully, Prime Minister to Henry

the Great. [Continued from p. 573. Vol. XIV.] N our Appendix, published last month, we brought down the account of these Memoirs, to the death of Henry III.

which made way for the acceffion of Henry IV. commonly called Henry the Great. Before he was able to mount the throne to which he had an indisputable right; - he was obliged to encounter many and great oppositions, from the League that was formed by the Popish party, to prevent his successioni During the continuance of this contest, many battles were fought, and fieges carried on, for the particulars of which we must refer to the book.—As the Reader may, perhaps, be glad to know how the Prime Minister to fo great a Princé, could find time for writing so voluminous a work, we fhall here insert a digreffion of his own, in the third book, concerning these Memoirs, and their original production.— I forewarn • the public,' says he, to expect, in these Memoirs, a detail only of important events, such as I have been a witness to,

what regards the King himself; and if I should add any • others, they will be those, the truth of which I can warrant • from the authenticity of those memoirs that have fallen into • my hands. As for the rest, it will be fufficient just to point • them out, that the Reader may from thence form an idea of " the condition and affairs of Henry the Great, in different • periods of time. It was to relieve my memory, that I at « first committed such particulars as most struck me, to paper ; especially those conversations I had with the King, or he Vol. XV.




6 with

« with others, either upon war, or politics, which I apprec hended might be of great use to me. This Prince, who • perceived it by my lometimes repeating exactly what had « fallen from him on these subjects, commanded me to put my ( work in fome order, and to enlarge it. I made fome diffi( culties in obeying him, nor was my style one of the best; but upon repeated commands from his Majesty, and his

promile to correct it with his own hand, I resumed and o continued this work with more assiduity.-Such was the (rife of these Memoirs.'

In the fourth book we have a detail of a vast number of military transactions, of various kinds, and attended with various success. In short, so many difficulties lay in Henry's way to the throne, that in the fifth book we find him thereby induced to change his religion, as the only thing capable of semoving them. To this he was strongly pressed, even by our Memorialist, tho' he still continued a Protestant himself: which plainly thews, that all the glofles which he is at great pains to throw over his master's conduct in this matter, are nothing more than political refinements. That this was really the cale, may appear from one of Sully's own remarks; where he says—. It is not surprizing, that Henry, who never heard • any arguments about religion, but in those conferences, (which were held in order to prepare him for conversion)

fhould fuffer himself to be drawn on that side, which they « took care to make always victorious. For it must be observed

as an effect of the King's prudent delays, that every one, even • the Protestants, nay more, the Protestant Clergy, who were

employed in the conferences, were at last thoroughly con& vinced, that the King's change of religion was a circumstance

absolutely necessary for the good of the flate, for peace, and even < for the advantage of both religions; so that there was a kind6 of general combination to draw him to it.'

Now after such an explicit acknowlegement, that the King was drawn into this change, is it not somewhat surprizing to find Sully endeavouring, in another place, to persuade his readers, that this conversion of the King proceeded from conviction, and that he was really a very good Catholic in his heart.

In the sixth book we find Henry, like a true son of the Pope, sending a deputation to Rome, in order to make the necellary submissions there, and obtain the holy Father's abfobution. But notwithstanding all these appearances of reconciliation to the holy church, we soon after find, that he had like to have been afraffinated, as an heretic, by the hand of

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Library Duke de SULLY. one of those enthusiasts, who were every where suborned for that purpose. "Amongst other informations that were sent him upon this subject, he received advice, while at Melun, [anno 1593] that one of these villains had set out from Lyons, with a resolution to come thither and assassinate him. Fortunately, before he left Lyons, he declared his design in confeffion to a priest; who, terrified at this frenzy, revealed

it to a gentleman of Lyons. This gentleman posted away • immediately, to get to Melun before the murderer; and de

scribed him fo exactly to the King, from the picture the priest had drawn of him, that he was known and seized amongst the crowd at Melun, confeffed his intended crime, and received punishment for it. The King, afhamed even for his enemies, who by this wickedness discovered the true bent of their difpofitions, equally alarmed with these attempts against his person, and tormented with the precautions he was obliged to take, often complained to me, in the most affecting man

ner, of his uneasy fituation.--He would not have been un• happy, if the behaviour of the Catholics in his court had at • least compensated for that of the Catholics in the league ; but

the King's abjuration had produced no more change in them 6 than the others.'

Thus much may fuffice to Thew, that the sincerity of the King's conversion was not quite so clear to others, as Sully would willingly have his reader believe it was to him.

Soon after we have an account of the King's being crowned at Chartres; and also of his being admitted into Paris, by Count Brisac, who had the government of that city for the League. Previous to this last event, we have a specimen of Sully's political reflections, which frequently occur, and make no small addition to the merit of the work. Brisac, it seems, at first answered the purpose of those who had placed the government of Paris in his hands, perfe&tly well. But after he had for some time experienced the power wherewith he was invested, he was prompted by it to attempt a change in the conftitution of the kingdom. For we are told, that - The

study of the Roman hiftory had in pired this officer, (who valued himself greatly upon his sense and penetration) with

a very fingular project; which was, to form France into a " republic, and make Paris the capital of this new state, upon the model of antient Rome. Had Brisac descended ever so little from these lofty ideas to an attention to particular cir

cumstances, which in the greatest designs it is necessary to • have some regard to, he would have perceived, that a scheme, however happily imagined, may, by the nature of the cha H2

• stacles

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« stacles that oppose it, by the difference of the genius and ' character of the people, by the force of those laws they

have adopted, and by long custom, which, as it were, stamps a seal upon them, become alike chimerical and im

practicable. Time only, and long experience, can bring « remedies to the defects in the customs of a state, whose • form is already determined; and this ought always to be ' attempted with a view to the plan of its original constitu' tion: this is so certain, that whenever we see a state con• ducted by measures contrary to those made use of in its

foundation, we may be assured a great revolution is at hand; • nor do the application of the best remedies operate upon • diseases that resist their force. Brisac did not go so far; he • could not for a long time comprehend from whence the

general opposition his designs met with proceeded; for he

had explained himself freely to the Nobles, and all the chief • Partisans, of the League : at last he began to be apprehen

live for his own safety, left while, without any aslistance, • he was labouring to bring his projet to perfection, the King • fhould destroy it entirely by seizing his capital. Poffeffed ( with this fear, the Roman ideas quickly gave place to the • French fpirit of those times, which was to be solicitous only ' for his own advantage. When self-interested motives are

strengthened by the apprehension of any danger, there are • few perfons that will not be induced by them to betray even • their best friend. Thus Brisac acted, and thought of no

thing but of making the King purchase, at the highest price, • the treachery he meditated. And having procured very .

vantageous conditions, he agreed to admit Henry, with his

army, into Paris.-At nine o'clock in the morning, (March (22, 1594) the King presented himself, at the head of eight

thousand men, before Porte Neuve, where the Mayor of

Paris, and the other Magistrates, received him in form. He • went immed ately and took posleffion of the Louvre, the Pa.

lace, the great and little Châtelet, and found no opposition • any where; he proceeded even to the church of Notre Dame, ( which he entered to return thanks to God for his success. · His foldiers, on their fide, fulfilled with such exactness the « orders and intentions of their mafter, that no one throughout (this great city complained of having received any outrage « from them. They took possession of all the squares and • cross-ways in the streets, where they drew up in order of « battle. All was quiet, and from that day the shops were

opened with all the security that a long continued peace could have given.--His Majesty then publified a general


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