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vernment, substitutes a Directory dependent only on his own will and pleasure. Such, High and Mighty Lords," continues the Memo

are the first exploits of a Prince who declares, that he " undertakes the war solely to defend the Liberty of the Ger“ manic Body, and to protect the Protestant Religion: to which “ he gives a ítroke the more dreadful, as he begins with crush

ing the very State to which that religion owes the establish

ment and preservation of its most valuable rights; when, at “ the same time, he breaks through the most respectable laws, " which constitute the union of the Germanic Body, under the

pretext of a defence, of which the Empire, at present, stands " in no need, except against himself."

He then takes notice, That a Treaty of Neutrality, folemnly offered, together with all the securities compatible with the sovereignty of Saxony, was not sufficient to stop the course of a project formed to ruin it: and that the King, in retiring within his camp, had nothing to consult but his own honour, and the zeal of his people, to reject the unheard-of proposals made to him, to abandon to the King of Prussia, during this war, the administration of his state and army.

Drawing then towards a close, he observes, That the cause of Saxony is a common cause to all Powers, as her fare foretels what they must expect to undergo, when the faith of treaties is no more to be respected ; and that it appeared, as well by the King of Prussia's Declaration on his entering Saxony, as a friend, as by the Exposition of his Motives, that nothing less would fatisfy him, than the entire facrifice of that Electorate: and he concludes with requiring from their High Mightinesses, not only their good offices, but those other more efficacious fuccours which, he presumes to be due from every State, to every State, under the like oppressions, tho' not expressed by treaties.

This piece is dated September 29; and on the 15th of October following, the Prussian Minister at the Hague presented his counter-Memorial, to the following effect.

That it ill became the Court of Saxony to reclaim against his Prufian Majefty, the respectable Law of Nations, which they had been the firit to violate towards him : That they had adopted every part of the dangerous designs which the Court of Vi. enna had formed againit him ; which tended to nothing less than the dispoffefling himn of Silesia, and even the destruction of his whole power: That by the consent of all the parties, it had heen reserved, thae Saxony should not appear as one, till the Prvilian forces were so weakened, that they might pull off the mak with impunity: Tha: the object of these designs was, an eventual partition of the Prussian dominions, in which the Saxon Court had gone so far, as ro fiipulate for their share, the dutchies of M'agdeburgh and Groilen, with the circles of Zullichav, Cotthus, and Schwibus: That the said Couit, during this interval, played off every engine of unwarrantable policy, at every Court of Europe, to prepare the way for the defired event; and had not spared even the most atrocious calumnies, to give an odious turn to the King's moit innocent actions: That the great preparacions made by the Court of Vienna, joined to other appearances, which fewed the execution of their vast designs was at hand, obliged the King to prevent them; and his Majesty having been informed of the secret purposes of Saxony, all laws, divine and human, authorised him to disable che Saxons first, fince it was the only method to preserve himself from ruin : That the experience of part times, and the method of thinking peculiar to the Saxon Ministers, would not suffer him to confide in the offer cf a Neutrality, which would have been evaded, as foon as it could have been done with any security; and which was, besides, no more than one of the articles of the dangerous system already settled by the combined Powers : That all the measures which his Majesty has since pursued in Saxony, and which have been set forth in such odious colours, are but the necessary consequences of the self-defensive measures he was firit obliged to resolve on; and which amount to no more, than the depriving the Court of Saxony of the means of hurting him : That, however, even in doing this, he has observed all possible moderation : That the country enjoys all the security, and all the tranquillity, it could expect, in the very midst of peace : That the King's troops observed the most exact discipline : That no more of them were left in Saxony, than were necessary to observe his Polish Majesty's camp: That all the due respect to the rank of the Queen of Poland, was shewn her: That it was only by the most suitable representacions she had been prevailed upon, to suffer fome papers, neceffary to ascertain the dangerous designs of the Saxon Ministers, to be taken out of the State-Paper-Office; without the other archieves being touched : That of these the King was already possessed of the copies ; but as their authenticity might have been disputed, he thought it behoved him to secure the originals : That he was extremely sorry for the neceflity which had obliged him to do things so disagreeable to the King of Poland : That his personal esteem and friendthip for him remained the fame : but that he could not sacrifice the safe. ty of his dominions to these sentiments: And that it was to the pernicious advices of the ill intentioned persons, in whom his Polish Majesty had placed so unreserved a confidence, he was to impure his misfortunes : That in his Majelty's situation, he could listen to nothing but that essential dury which bound him, to the happiness of his people: That every man had a right, not only to prevent the mischief he was treated with, buc even to resort it upon its author : That neither the conititutions, nor laws of the Empire, could obstruct the exertion of a righe fo fuperior to all others, as that of Self-Preservation, and Self-Defence; especially when the depository of those laws is so clofely


united to the enemy, as manifestly to abuse the power lodged in him, for his fake: That the Germanic Body can have nothing to fear from a Prince so deeply interested in its preservation as himself: That all those equally concerned for the liberties of Germany, and the Proteftant cause, must with success to his arms ; seeing it was certain, that the oppression of one of the most powerful Princes of the Empire, and of the Protestant Communion, would necessarily be followed with the total destruction, both of the one and the other : Whereas that country, which boasts of having given birth to the Protestant Religion, would prove

but a weak bulwark for its security ; which it already feels but too sensibly, from the state of its concerns in the diet of the Empire, under the direction of a Prince of another Communion.

And, lastly, That this being the true state of the present crifis, his Majesty promised himself, from the friendship and fuperior wisdom of their High Mightinefses, that they would acknowlege the justice of the mealures he had been forced to take ; and that, instead of liftening to the malicious insinuations of his enemies, they would use their good offices towards inspiring mod deration into those Powers who seem to have sworn ruin to a country, whose fate ought not to be indifferent to their Re. public.-Thus far the first of these four important pieces.

The second Paper is the King of Pruflia's Answer to the Imperial Decree of Commission at the Diet of Ratisbon, and to that of the Aulic Council of the Empire ; from which no more need be extracted, than serves to explain the conduct of the Imperial Court towards him, fince his entrance into Saxony, and his resentments of it: such of the intervening parts, as relate to the motives and provocations which induced him to take that bold, but necessary, measure, having been either fufficiently expatiated upon already, or being more fully exhibited in the de. duction of facts to be found in the other two papers that follow.

The first expressions then, of his Majesty the King of Pruflia, in this second Paper, are of surprize and indignation, that the Imperial Commiffaries at the Diet, should present to the Dictature, on the zoth of September lall, a Commifforial Decree of the Emperor, founded on the resolutions of the Aulic Council, conceived in the harshest terms, and having for its object, to incite all the other members of the Empire, to make a common cause against him: the Emperor, moreover, assuming to himself therein, a right to recall all the King of Prussia's forces, to difcharge them from their oath of allegiance, to pass sentence upon him as a Prince guilty of the greateit crimes, and even to declare him, in a manner, an enemy to the Empire.

To shew how hard, and how unheard of, such a proceeding is, he recapitulates, in the next place, all the particalars above Tecited. After which, returning to the just cause of resentment given him by the said Decree, he adds ;- One single instance, in the most ancient annals, is scarce to be found, where a Crowned 5


Head, and one of the moft eminent Electors, has been spoken of in so unfriendly and flighting a manner, and where the respect due to him has been, to such a degree, forgot. But whatever is moit sacred among nations, ceases to be fo with the Aulic Council, provided it can but vent its wrath, and gratify the spirit of animosity, and revenge, it is filled with, against those who do not submit implicitly to its decisions. It carries the rage with which it is animated so far, as to send avocatorial Letters to all the King's fubjects, and dares, by its own authority, to discharge them froin the oath of fidelity which they have taken to their Sovereign. The King poffesfes, in that quality, a kingdom, and several other provinces, which do not, in any manner, de* pend upon the Empire. In confounding these countries with

those which are really held from the Empire, the Aulic Council gives a frefh, and very flagrant, proof of the tyrannical fpirit it is poffesfed with, and of the dangerous entertains. It acts contrary to the most solemn and fundamental laws of the Empire, and particularly to the Capitulation which the Emperor has sworn to, at the time of his election, to secure the liberty and privileges of the States. It expressly says, that such rigorous extremities shall not be proceeded to, without the knowlege, and unanimous consent, of all the Electors, Princes, and other States of the Empire. If such despotic proceedings of the Aulic Council were to be connived at, what would then become of the liberties and prerogatives of the States of the Empire, purchased at the expence of their blood and treasures?' It is the Aulic Council itself, that endeavours to kindle the flame of fedi. tion in the Empire, by attempting to raise up against the King, the Electors his colleagues, together with all the other members of the Germanic Body. The King, however, is very easy upon this head, because he can equally depend upon the affection and fidelity of his fubjects. As a King, he certainly will not fuffer any body to prescribe laws to him; and as Elector, he never will depart from those obligations which bind him, as well to the Head of the Empire, as to the other Members of that respectable Body: But he will demand, in his turn, that his just rights be respected; and that he be not treated, as he has been of late, affectedly, and almost in every instance) in a maoner which carries with it the most bare-faced partiality, and the most crying injustice. The King, in his present circumstances, has not the smallest dispute, either with the Head of the Empire, or with the Empire in general ; if any of the principal members of this body have conspired againit his Majesty, no reasonable man, who has his own safety at heart, can blame the King, for having employed those forces for his defence and fecurity, which God has entrusted him with.

The EmpressQueen of Hungary and Bohemia did not, in the least, scruple to make her troops act against the Emperor Charles VII, of glorious memory, in his quality of Head of the Empire. At chat ,' time, the Court of Vienna éven complained bitterly of the dis

position which the Emperor made to reft her, and was extremely offended therewith. Instead of that, the point in queftion at present, is, only a dispute between two very eminent members of the Empire ; so that what appeared just to the Empress dur* ing the late war, and in the difference which she had with the Bavarian and Palatine Courts, and other States of the Empire, is, and will be, just, with much more reason, as affairs are now circumstanced, and in the King's present fituation: unlefs the Aulic Council means to banish justice from the face of the earth.

His Majesty then refers to his Treaty of Neutrality with the King of Great Britain, concluded in the beginning of the present year, as a proof of his ardent defire to preserve the peace of Germany: Observes, this measure had met with almoft a general applause, from the Members of the Germanic Body, as it was hardly possible it could be otherwise; notwithstanding which, he infinuates, this' very treaty, so innocent in every respect, as having nothing in view but the common-good of Germany, gave rise to that vehement and implacable animosity which had induced the Court of Vienna to attempt every thing for his Majesty's ruin.

He then protests, in the most solemn manner, That if the Empress Queen had, in two words, afforded him the assurances he required, it would have given him the highest fatisfaction : Reckons her noncompliance with this important article, a proof of her ill intentions : Inforces from thence, the necessity, fo often pleaded, which obliged him to take the moit effeétual means in his power for his own preservation : Declares, that his great, his only view, was to obtain a full and absolute fecurity to his dominions for the future : That he would gladly consent to a speedy peace, provided it was like to be firm and lasting ; and that, in such case, he would, without a moment's delay, restore every thing in Saxony to its ancient footing, and punctually petform what he had promised in his declaration, fet forth on the entrance of his troops into that country.

His Majesty, after this, expresses bis firm perfuafion, that his intentions being such as had been represented, the Electors, and . other Princes of the Empire, would not suffer themselves to be imposed upon, either by that ocious Decree of Commission, or by the representations of the Saxon Minister, to the Diet, on the 23d of September latt:--Afferts, both those pieces were alike filled with exaggerations, and fuppofititious facts : such as, excesies committed by the Prusijans, violences offered to the Saxons, and restrictions on their commerce ; and that his troops, on the contrary, observed the moit exact discipline : 4 Makes no doubt, but that the States of the Empire will easily discover the concealed view of all these practices, which was neither more or less than to weaken the king, and even to oppress

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