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· pardon for all the French that had borne arms against him. When this facrifice is not extorted by neceffity, but, on the contrary, made at a time when vengeance has full libertyto fatiate itself, it is not one of the least marks of a truly royal difpofition.

The remainder of this book is taken up with relations of other military affairs, and the furrender of a great number of other cities and towns, after the example of Paris.

In the seventh book we have an account of several military expeditions, in different parts of the kingdom, betwixt the King's party, and that of the League, which foon after received a fatal blow, by the defertion of the Duke of Guife, who took the moft early opportunity of making his peace, at a time when things feemed to be taking a great turn in favour of the King. This reconciliation was chiefly effected by means of the Dutchess Dowager of Guife, the King's Coufingerman, and Mademoifelle de Guife, her Daughter. The character which Sully gives of the Dutchefs is very amiable, and therefore we think a fight of it cannot be difagreeable to our Readers. It here follows:


In any other age, which had not, like this, loft every • diftinction between virtue and vice, this woman would have ⚫ been the ornament of her fex, for the qualities of her heart and mind. Her whole conduct was regulated by a native rectitude of foul; fo that it was eafy to fee, that she had not even the idea of evil, either to act, or advise it; and at the fame time of fo fweet a difpofition, that she was never fubjected to the smallest emotion of hatred, malignity, envy, or even ill-humour. No woman ever poflefied fo many graces of converfation, or added to a wit so subtle and refined, a fimplicity fo artlefs and agreeable. Her repartees were full of falt and fprightlines; and the pleafing, as well as greater qualities, fo happily blended in her compofition, that he was at once tender and lively, tranquil and C gay.'-Wholly fubdued by the inftances of these two ladies, the King confented to appoint three agents, to treat with three others on the part of the Duke of Guife. However, it feems nothing could be brought to bear, till the King had revoked his firit commiffion, and appointed our Memorialist to act alone, inftead of the former three. Then, indeed, we find that the business went readily forward; and no fooner was the treaty concluded and figned, than the Dutchess and Mademoiselle de Guife, afked his Majefty's permiffion for the Duke to come himself and affure him of his obedience. confequence of that permiffion, he came and threw himself

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at the King's feet, with fo many marks of a fincere repentance, that the King, who penetrated into his inmost soul, inftead of reproaches, or a filence, which, on fuch occafions, is more terrible than the fevereft reproaches, made 6 ufe of all his endeavours to re-allure him: he embraced him three feveral times, honoured him with the name of Nephew, treated him with the greatest tenderness and freedom, and, without affecting either to avoid or recal what, had paffed, mentioned the deceafed Duke of Guife with honour. A friend who endeavours to reconcile himself to his friend, after a flight quarrel, could not have behaved otherwife; and all thofe that were witneffes of this reception, could never fufficiently admire a King, who, with fo many qualities to infpire fear, employed only those that • created love. The Duke of Guife, abfolutely gained by this difcourfe, replied to the King, that he would neglect nothing to render himself worthy of the honour his Majefty ⚫ did the memory of his father, and the fentiments he was 4 pleafed to entertain of himself: and from that time he took fuch care to convince him, that his refpect and fidelity to him would continue inviolable, that the King, forgetting all which any other in his fituation would have apprehended, from the railing again a family that had made Kings tremble, lived with him familiarly, and admitted him with the other courtiers into all his parties of pleasure: for fuch was the character of Henry, that that exterior gravity which the royal dignity makes it neceffary to affume, never hindered him from refigning himfelf up to pleafures, which an equality of conditions fpreads over fociety. The truly great man knows how to be, by turns, and as occafions require, whatever he ought to be, mafter, or equal; king, or citizen: it is no diminution of his greatnefs, to unbend himfelf in private, provided that he fhews himself in his public character, capable of performing all the duties of his ← high station: the courtier will never forget that he is with ⚫ his mafter.'

Notwithstanding the King's reconciliation to the church of Rome, yet we find another attempt, from that quarter, made upon his life. Sully's account of it is as follows

On the 26th of December, [1594] the King being then at Paris, in his apartments in the Louvre, where he gave audience to Meff. de Ragny and de Montigny, who entered • with a great number of other perfons; at the very moment when he ftcoped to embrace one of them, he received a

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• wound in the face with a knife, which the murderer let fall • as he was endeavouring to escape through the croud. I was present, and approached in an agony of grief, feeing the King all covered with blood, and fearing, with reason, that the ftroke was mortal.-The King removed our apprehenfions by a compofed and agreeable behaviour; and we perceived immediately, that his lip only was wounded; the <ftroke having been aimed too high, the force of it was stopt by a tooth, which it broke. The parricide was discovered, without any difficulty, tho' he had mixed among the crowd. He was a fcholar, named John Chatel; and readily anfwered, when he was interrogated, that he came from the ⚫ college of the Jefuits, accufing those Fathers with being the authors of his crime. The King, who heard him, said, with a gaiety which, on fuch an occafion, few perfons could ⚫ have been capable of, that he had heard from the mouths of many perfons, that the fociety never loved him, and he was 6 now convinced of it by his own. Chatel was delivered up to juftice; and the profecutions against the Jesuits, which had been fufpended, were now refumed more vigorously than before, and terminated by the banishment of the whole order from the kingdom.'-However, before the end of the year, we find them re-established in the kingdom, at the inftance of the Pope; who infifted upon that, and some other points, before he would grant Henry the absolution he had fo long folicited at his hands.

The eighth book, amongst other things, gives us a large account of Sully's difcoveries of abufes committed in the finances, and of his own regulations therein, which conftituted no small part of his great merit, as a minister of state: but for these, and feveral other matters of equal importance, we muft refer to the work itself. *

In the ninth book, we have ar account of the famous Edict of Nantz, by which fatisfaction was given to the discontented Proteftants, and the rights of the two religions were clearly explained, and folidly establifhed.--The peace of Vervins, by which a war with Spain was concluded, of which we have not been able to infert the varicus transactions, finishes this book.

Tho' Sully had all along been endeavouring to put the finances into the best state poffible, yet during the continuance of wars, foreign as well as civil, he found it not in his power to do what he wifhed. As his talents, in this particular point, were certainly of the highest pitch; and what contributed principally to the establishment of his character, as a states

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man; we shall be somewhat more at large in our extracts of his fentiments upon this head, from the tenth book; wherein he fays


I had long hoped, that a peace would afford me leisure to examine the finances of the kingdom thoroughly: all that I had hitherto been able to do, was only to alleviate the • mischief; and far from having been able to dig to the root, fo as to eradicate it at once, the different neceffities of the ftate, which always followed each other fo close during the made it be looked on as a great ftroke of policy, to manage the finances without increafing the confufion. It is certain, that, upon a closer examination, they seemed ⚫ tainted with an incurable difeafe, which could not even be • enquired into, without the most unfhaken courage, and in• vincible patience; the first glance was able to discover nothing but an univerfal lofs of credit, the royal treasury indebted feveral hundred millions, no means of raifing more < money, exceffive poverty, and ruin at hand; but this very ftate of defpair made it neceffary not to delay, a fingle mo⚫ment, the undertaking this great work, while feveral op⚫portunities concurring, fhewed at least a possibility of success. Every thing was in tranquility; the pay of the troops confiderably lefiened, the greater part of the military expences fuppreffed, the King's council weary at length of making ufelefs endeavours to deprive me of any management of pub<lic affairs, almost all business was tranfacted by me; thefe ⚫ gentlemen difdained even to come to the aflemblies, unless forced thither by their own intereft, or that of their relations or friends; in those assemblies nothing was proposed without ‹ my approbation, and nothing executed without my consent ; the King had no fecret he referved from me, nor any authority that he did not occafionally inveft me with; all thefe confiderations perfuaded me, that if the calamities caufed by fo many long and cruel civil wars, were ever to be repaired, now or never was the time to accomplish it.' The time being allowed thus proper for the undertaking fo great a work, he next draws the portrait of a good minister of the finances, leaving the reader to conclude, that the original, from whence the portrait was drawn, was certainly then in being. Here begins the portrait-of himlelf, we imagine; for few fuch minifters have appeared, either before, or fince that time.

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It would be the fhorteft way to fay, that a man who is called to the management of public affairs, ought to have no paffions; but that we may not wholly deftroy the notion


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of fuch a Being, by reducing him to an impoffible, and merely ideal existence, it is fufficient to fay, that he ought. to have fuch a knowlege of them, as to be able to avoid their influence: he fhould be fenfible of all the meanness of pride, the folly of ambition, the weakness of hatred, and the bafeness of revenge. As I intend only to make fuch reflections as • immediately relate to him, I shall not take any notice here of the great unworthiness of treating people ill, not only by actions, but even words; and of never giving orders to inferiors, but in the transports of rage, or peevishness of ill-humour, feasoning them with oaths and curfes; fince, living for the public, he ought to appear affable, and be eafy of access to all the world, except to those who only come to him with a defign to corrupt him; and never to lofe fight of this maxim, That a kingdom ought to be regulated by "general rules, and that exceptions only occafion difcontent and produce complaints.-A just knowlege of what is due to rank, and of different degrees of diftinction, is fo far from 'being contrary to this maxim, that it is effentially neceffary to it, as well for obferving those rules of behaviour to perfons of different ranks, which the French politeness has established, as to cure himself of that error, that his riches, and the favour of his King, place every other perfon in a • state of fubjection to him. An inclination for the fair fex is a fource of weakneffes and injuftice, which will inevitably carry him beyond the bounds of his duty; a paffion for deep play, will expofe him to temptations a thousand times more difficult to be overcome by a man who has all the money of the kingdom paffing through his hands; that he may efcape this dangerous fnare, I am under a neceffity of prefcribing to him, to have no acquaintance either with cards or dice. A diflike of fatigue proceeds generally from the fame • inclinations that lead to voluptuoufnefs, or inspire effeminacy. A ftatesman ought in temperance to seek for a remedy against a fondness for fplendor, and the delicacies of the ⚫ table, which serve only to enervate both body and mind. A virtuous man ought to be wholly unacquainted with drunkennefs; a diligent man ought to be no lefs ignorant of what is called high living. As he ought to make his retirement in his cabinet at all times, and all hours, not merely • fupportable, but pleating, he cannot be too careful to prevent his mind from running on the delights of balls, maiquerades, and other parties of pleafures; in all these trifling ⚫ amusements there is a nameless enchantment, that intoxicates the hearts of philofophers and mifanthropes themselves --

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