§ 4. plus quam modicæ. Fabius Pictor (ap. Polyb. III. 8) stated that Hasdrubal returned to Carthage from Spain, with the design of making himself despot, but being opposed by the dióλoyo dvopes, he returned to Spain, disregarding henceforth the authority of the senate, as did his successor Hannibal. This Polyb. regards as an idle effort of faction to throw all the odium of the war on the Barcine faction, which later history reflecting such jealousies of party calls an éraɩpía τῶν πονηροτάτων ανθρώπων.

plebem...principum. See the Introduction for a sketch of the government of Carthage. Livy here, as elsewhere, employs technical Roman terms, as if the constitutional usages were the same.

haud sane. Cf. XXII. 19. 12. Livy does not seem to use non sane. Fabri.

§ 5. hospitiis. Formal contracts of friendly alliance were often entered into in the old world between persons, families and tribes, pledges of which were interchanged as úμßola or tessera. Documents are still preserved in the inscriptions in which engagements of this kind are entered into or formally renewed, as in one where two Spanish clans (gentilitates) of the same tribe hospitium vetustum antiquom renovaverunt eique omnes alis alium in fidem clientelamque suam suorumque liberorum posterorumque recepit. One form lasted on in Greece in the πpocevia which was largely used in commercial and religious intercourse. Corssen 1. 796 explains hospes as a shortened form of hosti-pe(t)s = stranger-protecting from root patis πόσις. As to the root ghas- from which he derives hostis, Mommsen, R. F. 326, regards it as simply 'to eat.' Corssen says it is to 'tear' or 'wound.'

=

conciliandis. Hasd. according to Diodorus, 25. 17, married himself the daughter of one of the Sp. chieftains; principes may be distinguished from reguli as nobles from kings, as Weissenborn suggests.

§ 6. nihilo tutior. For the form of the phrase Fabri compares nihilo accuratior v. 37. 1, nihilo quietior, IX. 37. 1, nihilo facilior, xxxI. 26. 5.

employs a partic. Compare the Stoic

ridentis speciem. Here as often Livy absolutely, where we should use a subst. firmness of some uncivilized races with the sensibilities of the Greeks of Homer.

præbuerit. The frequency of the subjunc. perf. in dẹpendent sentences after ut is a peculiarity of Livy's style, as reali. zing more vividly the completed result.

§ 7. Cum hoc Hasd. To imply his practical independence of the government at Carthage.

sollicitandis. Connected with Oscan sollus-totus, öλos and salvus, so sollistimus, sollemnis, &c. Corssen, I. 486.

fœdus renov. Polyb. 11. 13 gives details of the disquietude at Rome, and of the wish to attack the growing power in Spain, which was delayed only by the pressure of the Gallic war. As the Romans had no possessions in Spain, to define the limit of the Hiberus, and to stipulate for Saguntum, was in fact an insult to the sovereign power of Carthage. Fœdus =foidus is connected with fides, like Téπо0a with Tloris. Curtius, Gr. Etym. p. 236, rejects Mommsen's explanation from fundere, like σπονδή, spondeo.

ut, 'on condition that'=', cf. Polyb., as it was a new stipulation added to the treaty of 241 B.C., but Pol. does not mention any provision for Saguntum.

P. 3, c. III. § 1. In Hasdrubalis locum. There is nothing in the sentence to correspond to these words. Something may have dropped out which referred to them, but more probably it is one of those cases of which Madvig speaks in his Kleine Phil. Schr. p. 359, where there is a want of balance and connexion in Livy's artificial periods. He specifies as examples 1. 7. 7 and 1. 46. 1. Fabri quotes as an example of Livy's anacolutha, xxvIII. 31. 1, Lælius...auditis quæ acta Gadibus erant......nuntiis ad L. Marcium missis...redeundum ad imperatorem esse, adsentiente Marcio paucos post dies ambo Carthaginem rediere.

quin...sequebatur. The MS. reading is here quite corrupt, especially in quam, where only qua is possible, and in the omission of the apodosis after erat. Drakenborch's reading prærogativam...sequeretur makes fair sense, but lays great stress on the popularity of Hannibal, who could hardly have been much known by the plebs, although the wealth of Spain may have been used to secure adherents at home, and Polybius says, ὁ δῆμος μια γνώμῃ κυρίαν ἐποίησε τὴν τῶν στρατοπέδων αἵρεσιν, ΙΙΙ. 13.

prærogativa. A metaphor taken from the usage of the Roman comitia. The tribe on which the lot fell to vote first often influenced the vote of the wavering, and so the term carried associations of authority. Cf. III. 51. 5, ne comitiorum militarium prærogativam sequerentur urbana comitia.

prætorium. The tent of the Roman general, and so the head-quarters of the legion; hence applied to the palace of a governor, Ev. Matt. xxvii. 27, as also to the quarters of the

prætorian cohorts, Ep. ad Philipp. i. 13. prætor-præitor, ' first in rank,' is the oldest title of the chief magistrate of the republic. Cf. Ascon. in Cic. Verr. 1. 14, veteres omnem magistratum, cui pareret exercitus, prætorem appellaverunt. Unde et prætorium tabernaculum ejus dicitur, et in castris porta prætoria, et hodie quoque Præfectus Prætorio. The term is here extended to Punic usage.

favor is said by Quintilian to have been thought a new word by Cicero, favorem et urbanum Cicero nova credit, 11. 20. 10, though it was used by Lucretius, vI. 47. It was first probably applied to applause in the theatre, and Cicero speaks apologetically of his use of it. Or. pro Sestio 54, qui rumore et, ut ipsi loquuntur, favore populi tenetur.

§ 2. vixdum puberem. He was however about 23 years old, for he was nine when his father went to Spain for nine years, and he joined Hasdrubal after five of his eight years of rule Cf. 2. 3 and 4. 10.

were over.

ad se accers. Yet 1. 4 implies that he went to Spain with Hamilcar. Probably here, as elsewhere, Livy reproduces distinct traditions. Cælius Antipater, in a passage quoted by Priscian, vIII. 960, seems to refer to H., antequam Barca perierat alii rei causa in Africam est missus. Yet Livy xxx. 37. 9 makes him say, novem annorum a vobis profectus post sextum et tricesimum redii. In that case he would have had little. chance of learning statesmanship at home.

§ 3. Hanno. Probably the chief rival of Hamilcar after the 1st war, the feud and reconciliation between whom were so important in the struggle with the mercenaries. It was however, like other Punic names, a common one with leading men at different periods.

§ 4. admiratione...convertisset. For the form of the phrase cf. XXII. 30. 1, profecti...in admirationem...converterunt.

pro...rudimento. For this use of pro='as if that were' Fabri compares XXIII. 33. 6, hostes pro hospitibus comiter accepti. XXIV. 25. 3, quum...pro domino possederit.

§ 5. regni paterni sp. 'The show of monarchy which his father assumed.' Cf. the charges of Fabius in Polyb. III. 8 against Hasdrubal, ἐπιβαλέσθαι εἰς μοναρχίαν περιστῆσαι τὸ πολίτευμα.

hereditarii. Cf. the power of associations, coupled with a name, over the veterans of Cæsar and the countrymen of Napoleon.

§ 6. Ego. Cf. Donatus ap. Drakenb. semper gravis inceptio orationis quæ exordium sumit a pronomine ego.

quandoque is commonly used by Livy in the sense of 'since,' or 'whenever.' Here the indefinite meaning 'at some time or other' grows out of the elliptical use whenever it may be,' following ne as it follows quoad in Cic. Fam. 6. 19 quoad ille quandoque veniat. Tacitus however, Ann. vi. 20, uses it in this indefinite sense by itself, et tu Galba quandoque degustabis imperium.

c. IV. § 1. maior pars. Note the admission that the partisans of H. were the majority in the senate. It was not therefore merely a popular party, supported by the army, which dragged the country against its will into a war with Rome, according to the theory maintained by Fabius Pictor, and refuted by Polyb. III. 8, though in later days H. may have been accused by his political opponents as responsible for all the losses of the war, and Livy puts this charge into the mouth of the ambassadors of Carthage, xxx. 22. 1, eum injussu senatus non Alpes modo sed Hiberum quoque transgressum.

In optimus, meliorem, we have traces of the old confusion so common in classical literature, by which moral terms are used to distinguish political parties. Cf. the use of èπleikeîs, βέλτιστοι, σοφοί, πολιτεύειν σωφρονέστερον in Thucydides, who speaks of the unscrupulous Antiphon as åperŷ ovdevì votepos.

§ 2. Hamilc. iuvenem. Hamilcar was very young in the 1st Punic war, and died in the prime of life. Cf. Soph. Philoct. κἄμ' εὐθὺς ἐν κύκλῳ στρατὸς | ἐκβάντα πᾶς ἠσπάζετ ὀμνύντες βλέπειν | τὸν οὐκ ἔτ ̓ ὄντα ζῶντ' Αχιλλέα πάλιν.

credere...intueri. The historic infinitives here give vigour and liveliness to the passage.

P. 4. lineamenta. Linea is connected with littera, lino, from a root sli= smear, found in our slime, Corssen 1. 383.

pater in se ... 'His father's memory was but little needed to gain the popular good will.' For use of momentum cf. 1. 47. 4, ipsa regio semine orta nullum momentum in dando adimendoque regno faceret. From the early meaning of the weight which turned the scale,' movimentum, came secondary meanings, as in the parallel cases of gravis, serius, both of which first denoted physical weight, and then moral.

§ 3. discerneres, a use of the imperf. subj., frequent in Livy, where the pluperf. would seem more natural to us, as II. 43. 9, crederes victos. The earlier part of this description seems too enthusiastic to have come from a Roman annalist;

probably it may be traced to Philinus, who wrote in the Punic interest. Here again Livy seems to have combined two distinct accounts, for the latter part is purely Roman. It has been thought that Sallust's description of Catiline suggested some of the language here used, but the resemblance is not very close. The early part of it is repeated by Livy xxvi, 41, 25, of the young Scipio Africanus.

§ 4. præficere is used absolutely, a common feature of Livy's style.

fortiter ac strenue, epithets frequently combined. Fabri quotes Cic. Phil. 11. 32, si minus fortem, attamen strenuum. Strenuus is probably connected with στερεός, στρηνής, sterilis, starr, Curtius 193.

§ 7. id, i. e. temporis. The use of superesse with the dative of the gerundive is unusual. Leisure from active work.'

custodias, sentinels on guard on the ramparts of the camp. stationes, outposts' or pickets at outlying points.

§ 9. Polyb. IX. 24 says that the Romans thought cruelty the special vice of H., but that his namesake, Monomachus, was the real author of much that was complained of. In any case, the sufferings imposed on Italy by so desperate and long a struggle, the requisitions for the troops, and the outrages of camp followers, must have associated the name of H. in popular memory with deeds of terrible oppression. Polyb. regards the charge of avarice as best supported by the evidence of the Carthaginians themselves, and of Masinissa, who knew him well.

perfidia...Punica. Cf. XXII. 6. 12, Punica religione servata fides ab Hannibale est. On this popular sentiment, cf. Horace, Carm. Iv. 4. 45, dixitque tandem perfidus Hannibal, and 43, impio | vastata Panorum tumultu | fana. As to the Punic character, cf. Cic. de leg. agr., Carthaginienses fraudulenti et mendaces, non genere sed natura loci, quod propter portus suos, multis et variis mercatorum et advenarum sermonibus, ad studium fallendi studio quæstus vocabantur. It was like the 'perfidious Albion' as used of England. The Romans had little right to make such a charge. Their treatment of Carthage had been strangely wanting in good faith, and the foreign policy of the Roman Senate was too often a course of unscrupulous craft and egotism, for the religious reverence for which Polybius praises them so highly was little shown in international dealings.

nihil... The Latin writers have recourse to nihil with the