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under the oppression of its Governor, Zulfecar Khan, whom the general voice of the people denounced as a cruel and unprincipled tyrant. Damghan was suffering still more severely, and seemed a mere mass of ruins through which a solitary udividual might now and then be seen to pass. At Shahrood the party encountered a severe disappointment in finding that the cafilah, or caravan, which they hoped to join, was too far on its way to be overtaken; and the rumours respecting the depredations of the roving Toorkomauns in the country they were about to traverse rendered it prudent to wait for another. This delay enabled Mr. Fraser to collect some curious particulars respecting those pastoral and warlike tribes, and concerning the slave-trade carried on by them at Khyvah, where they sell the captives whom they have plundered. He had also leisure to make an excursion to Bostam, for the purpose of examining its antiquities. The expected caravan at length arrived.

Mr. Fraser joined it, and arrived on the 2d of February at Mushed, where a complication of disappointments and vexations awaited him. Received as the guest of the wuzzeer, Meerza Moossa, he was treated with formal hospitality through the agency of negligént servants. By the men of rank with whom he associated, he was pestered with interminable discussions on points of faith; the people suspected him as a Feringhee or Frank in disguise, and their fanatical antipathies were heightened when it was known that he had been permitted to visit the mausoleum and shrine of their patron-saint Imaum Reza. Their belief that he was skilled in medicine caused him to be consulted by crowds of invalids on all manner of diseases, real and imaginary. At length, an explanation with the wuzzeer procured for him more respectful treatment, and an introduction to the Prince: but these marks of favor were insufficient to avert from him the strong current of public prejudice. Meantime, promises which had been made for facilitating his farther progress were not fulfilled: the reports of the state of the country were such, that the longer he remained, the more impracticable seemed his purposed journey to Samarcand: the diminution of his funds rendered it expedient to dispose of the property which he had bought, for presents or for sale: but this could not be effected without great loss among the cunning traders of Mushed; and to crown all, it was manifest that if he persisted in his determination to proceed eastward, his Persian servants would abandon him. He determined therefore to return, not by the way he came, but by the route of Astrabad, and thence along the banks of the Caspian sea and the

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adjacent provinces, either to Tehran or Tabreez. He was confirmed in this resolution by the arrival of intelligence that a caravan had been cut to pieces, on the very line of his intended march to Bokhara, and at the very time when he had calculated that he should be on the road.

On the 11th of March he quitted the inhospitable walls of Mushed, rejoicing once more to breathe the air of an open country, freshened by the returning spring. Having tráversed the much dreaded plain of Armootullee, and crossed the river Goorgaun, he experienced an hospitable reception from Khalla Khan, the chief of a friendly horde of Gocklan Toorkomauns, and thus gained an opportunity of observing the domestic habits of that singular people. Arriving at Finderisk he prosecuted his journey without impediment to Astrabad, at which place the traveller for the present concludes his narration.

We have considered the work as admitting of a division into two parts: we may now observe that each part has a twofold character, since the diary of the author's progress is, at appropriate and seasonable intervals, illustrated with general views of the state of the country, the nature and resources of the government, and the character and condition of the people.

Of the face of the country the following description is happily adapted to the comprehension of an English reader, and it agrees with the more diffuse but less vivid representations of former writers:

In picturing to the imagination the aspect of a Persian landscape, or indeed of a landscape in any of the contiguous countries to the north and east of it, the mind must endeavour to divest itself of every image that gives beauty or interest to an European scene: there are no beautiful or majestic woods, no verdant plains or grassy mountains, no winding rivers or babbling streams, no castles or gentlemen's seats, no sweet retired cottages, with their white walls glimmering through foliage; nothing, in short, that speaks of peace, security, or comfort; every thing, on the contrary, declares that man dreads his fellows, that he lives but for himself and for the day, neither caring nor providing for posterity; that he is uncultivated, abject, and debased.

When the traveller, after toiling over the rocky mountains that separate the plains, looks down, from the pass he has won with toil and difficulty, upon the country below, his eye wanders unchecked and unrested over an uniform brown expanse, losing itself in distance, or bounded by blue mountains resembling those he has laboured to cross: should cultivation exist within his ken, it can hardly be distinguished from the plain on which it is sprinkled, except in the months of spring; is there a town or village upon this plain, all that can be seen of either is a line or spot upon its surface, chiefly remarkable by the gardens that usually surround

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them, and not otherwise to be distinguished from the ruins, which are generally in far greater abundance than the abodes of man. Such is the scene which, day after day, and march after march, presents itself to the traveller in Persia.' (Pp. 163, 164.)

As exceptions to this description Mr. Fraser distinguishes the provinces of Mazunderan and Gheelan, on the banks of the Caspian, and also the district of Astrabad and Goorgaun : these, he adds, are as beautiful as wood, water, and mountain, in their most varied forms, can make them: the forests are magnificent, and for the greatest part of the year the verdure is luxuriant.

In its diminished population Persia exhibits another symptom of decrepitude. Mr. Fraser distributes the bulk of the people into four distinct classes: 1st, those who are attached to the various courts, and live in service with great men, including the military, and the various functionaries; 2dly, the inhabitants of towns, including merchants, shop-keepers, and artisans; 3dly, those engaged in agriculture; and, 4thly, the wandering tribes or Eels.

That the first-mentioned class should be found void of virtue or principle is by no means to be wondered at. The character of the government to which they are attached, despotic, insolent, and treacherous, naturally forms that of its servants. The nobles and superior officers of the court, subjected absolutely to the caprice of a tyrant who can endure neither opposition, nor disappointment, though they may continue cringing and abject to him, become in their turn cruel, haughty, and imperious to their inferiors; and these again are delighted when they can exercise the same petty tyranny upon such as may be unhappily subjected to their power. The greatest noble in Persia is never for a moment secure either in his person or property; if a fit of rage, jealousy, or avarice, of which he is the object, happens to seize his sovereign, a word, a look from the despot, subjects him to the cruellest insults; he may be beat, maimed, disgraced, like the lowest groom; his person insulted in a way degrading to humanity, his wives and daughters delivered to the lust of muleteers, and the little family-honour a Persian can possess, may be scattered to the winds without the unhappy sufferer having the least hope of remedy; without even the event creating the least sensation: it is the Shah's pleasure; and if he be firm on his seat the lives and properties of his subjects are less than the dust beneath his feet.' (P. 171.)

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The Eels, subject to none but patriarchal authority, are little affected by the despotism of the sovereign or his satellites; rude, independent, and courageous, they would form good materials for soldiers, were they not very impatient of discipline.

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The portraiture given of the King, and the characteristic anecdotes and sketches by which it is elucidated, will be read with interest.

The King's personal character exactly describes that of his government: the policy, he observes, is narrow, short-sighted, and contemptible. He views Persia not as his country which he should love, protect, and improve; but as a property of which he has a lease, uncertain in its duration, and of which it behoves him to make the most he can while in his power. The throne having come into the possession of his family by conquest, he treats the whole country, (except perhaps the seat of his own tribe in Mazunderan,) like a conquered nation; and his only concern is how to extort from it the greatest possible amount of money. So long as he thinks he succeeds in this, he cares little about laws, regulations, police, &c. He leaves these for the most part to the governors he appoints, and it is not until the revenue fails, or till the cry of distress becomes too great to be suppressed, that the state of a province is ever enquired into. The great object being to collect as much, and to expend as little as possible, the principle is carried to a length which often defeats itself. There are many ways in which a small sum of money, judiciously applied, might produce a large additional revenue; but this would imply a far greater spirit of speculation and forecast than exists in Persia. Should a mine be discovered, or a canal be required to fertilize a district, the King will do nothing: individuals must run the risk, or the matter nust lie dormant. And thus many rich veins of metals are left unworked, many tracts that might be cultivated remain waste, because no individual dares to do what the King will not undertake or encourage. There are no roads nor bridges made by government, no public establishments, caravanserais, or medressas (colleges) built. Should the King desire to render his name popular, or well regarded, on any particular occasion, he gives orders that a certain sum shall be sent to such a mosque or shrine, or he directs such a caravanserai or medressa to be repaired; but the expense seldom falls ultimately on himself; repairs, in particular, are for the most part effected by the joint labour of the district; for which the labourers seldom receive much pay. Upon the same principle, all the old palaces and royal gardens in various parts of the kingdom are suffered to fall to decay, for want of allowance for their maintenance and repair. Nothing of this sort is allowed, except in those instances where his Majesty makes an occasional visit, and even then nothing beyond a superficial patching is ever performed.' (Pp. 199, 200.)

After adducing reasons to shew the impossibility of successfully invading India by the route of Persia, Mr. Fraser points out another route, which appears to offer obstacles not utterly insurmountable, and to which less attention has usually been paid.

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In the geographical notices regarding Khawrezm and Mawera-ul-Nehr, (contained in the Appendix,) I have observed that the distance between the bay of Mangushluc on the Caspian sea, and Khyvah, the present capital of Khawrezm, is only ten days' journey of a caravan; and in another part of those notices it is shown that the river Amoo or Oxus (only one day's journey with watercarriage from Khyvah) is navigable for boats the whole way from Balkh to Ourgunge, and as it flows through a level country the channel is not likely to be much interrupted by rapids, or dangers of any kind. From Balkh, and from Khoondooz, (a town about two days' march from the river higher up,) there is a road to Caubul, which I have reason to believe is by no means very difficult.' (P. 238.)

After remarking the great anxiety evinced by the Russians to establish a secure footing at Manghushluc, and to entertain relations with Khyvah and Bokhara, he observes, that those who have considered the policy of that state can scarcely doubt the existence of an intention to prosecute some such enterprize as is here indicated.

The facilities it possesses are doubtless great; with Astracan for a grand depôt, and the Caspian behind them, they could easily establish a force at Manghushluc, which is not more than two or three days' sail from their own shore. The conquest of Khyvah and all Khawrezm I do not think would be a matter of much difficulty if their attention were once seriously turned that way, and thus the navigation of the Oxus would be in their power. Wood is to be found for the purpose of constructing boats upon the banks of that river, or it would not be difficult to transport boats framed and ready for putting together, from Astracan.' (Pp. 238, 239.)

In the general survey of Khorasan, with which he commences the second division of his work, the author introduces an account of the Toorkomauns; in which the following passage is one of the most striking:

The customs and manners of these tribes are all similar. They live in portable houses, and change their station frequently, as the pastures around become scarce; seldom remaining more than five or six days in one place. They encamp in parties of from thirty to an hundred, or even as far as two hundred families, each party having its Reish Suffeed, or elder, to whom considerable respect is paid, whose advice is taken in all matters affecting the interests of the community, and who adjusts all petty disputes. But they have no governors, chiefs, or nobles among them; and if any one should attempt to arrogate superior consideration to himself, or openly aim at power or authority, it would be the signal for his destruction. Thus, although a sense of interest induces them to unite for the sake of plunder, the very construction of their society precludes the possibility of their

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