sheep," and that where there is a portion of arable land suitable for crofts in a forest, it is generally surrounded by a large tract of sheep land, which the crofter could not stock or profitably employ. 3. "That the land might be occupied by sheep farmers, and that a great loss of mutton and wool to the nation might be thus avoided." The Commission found that the number of acres of forest land required to graze a sheep is five, that the land under deer could carry about 395,000 sheep, "and making no allowance for losses, there would be an additional annual supply of about 132,000 if all the forests were fully stocked with sheep. It is thus abundantly evident, that in view of the sheep in the United Kingdom amounting to 27 millions, besides all the beef grown at home, and all the beef and mutton imported both alive and dead from abroad, the loss to the community is not only insignificant, but almost inappreciable, while, owing to the large importation of wool from abroad, the additional supply of home-grown wool would be altogether unimportant if the area now occupied by deer were devoted to sheep." 4. "That in some places where deer forests are contiguous to arable land in the occupation of crofters, damage is done to the crops of the latter by the deer." The Commission found this complaint to be proved, and they recommended that proprietors should be compelled to fence out deer from crofters' arable land, or that the crofters should have the privileges of the Ground Game Act, as regarded deer found on their holdings. 5. "That deer deteriorate the pasture." The Commission found that it was not proved that land under deer was more liable to deteriorate than land under sheep. 6. "That the temporary employment of gillies and others in connection with deer forests has a demoralising effect." The Commission found that this allegation was unsubstantiated, and that temptations to dissipation "might be found with equal facility and less qualified by wholesome influences in connection with the existence of a seafaring man, a fisherman, or a casual labourer in the lowlands-in fact, in all the other walks of labour and of gain to which the Highlanders betake themselves, and betake themselves with confidence and success." Turning to the question whether deer forests benefit any class of the community, the Commission found that deer forests were a benefit to the land-owning class. Owing to the fall in the value of wool, sheep farming has become unprofitable, farms are difficult to let, and sheep cannot be taken over by the landowner except at a ruinous valuation. "We believe that if it were not for deer forests, and if the present condition of sheep farms is prolonged, much of the land in the Highlands might be temporarily unoccupied or occupied on terms ruinous to the proprietor." The Commission found that by increasing the assessable rent, deer forests diminish the rate of local taxation on other subjects. Finally, they found that these forests have led to the expenditure of a vast deal of money in the Highlands on roads, planting, building, &c., which otherwise would never have come there, and have thus led to the large employment of local labour. Three deer-stalkers alone (Mr. Fowler, Lord Tweedmouth, and Sir John Ramsden) had spent £335,000 in recent years. In one parish £65,876 had been spent on improvements. On the other hand, the Commission were opposed to any large extension of the forest system to lower lands suitable for tillage, or capable of carrying a large head of stock, and they recommended legislation to restrain any such possible attempt. Special Taxation of Deer Forests.—On this subject the Commission reported: "We have not thought it desirable to introduce among the expedients offered for consideration a proposal frequently submitted to us, viz., that a special rate of assessment should be imposed on the annual value of lands used for the purposes of deer-stalking alone. Our object is to control the abuse of the practice in a discriminating way, not to punish or impoverish the landlord. We do not think that any additional percentage of assessment which the Legislature would be likely to sanction would go far to prevent afforestment, though it might raise the rent to the lessee and diminish the return to the proprietor, while it would act indiscriminately in all cases, whether the appropriation of the land was harmless or injurious. taxation of land with reference to the purpose for which it is employed would, moreover, be a novel principle in fiscal legislation, which on close examination would probably be found not to be acceptable to Parliament, in harmony with true economical principles, or equitable if we regard the conditions under which other kinds of property and sources of private income may be used or abused." NEWCASTLE PROGRAMME.1 The The National Liberal Federation met at Newcastle on 1st and 2nd October 1891, when the following programme was adopted and was generally approved of by Mr. Gladstone, who, however, did not attach much importance to the order of subjects adopted by the Federation, save that Home Rule for Ireland was to be first. 1. Home Rule for Ireland. (See Chapter XIII.) 3. Extended powers for London County Council. (See pp. 503, 504.) 4. Public representative control of all grant receiving schools. (See pp. 510, 517.) 5. Reduction of qualifying period for registration. 460.) 6. One man one vote. (See p. 458.) 7. Shorter Parliaments. (See p. 456.) (See p. 8. Returning officers at Parliamentary elections to be paid out of rates. (See p. 458.) 9. Payment of members. (See p. 456.) 10. District and Parish Councils. (See p. 324.) 11. Compulsory powers for acquisition by local authorities of land for allotments, small holdings, village halls, places of worship, labourers' dwellings, and other public purposes. 12. Abolition of primogeniture and entail. (See p. 401.) 14. Just taxation of land-values and ground-rents. (See pp. 403 15. Compensation to town and country tenants both for disturbance and improvements. (See p. 412.) 16. Enfranchisement of leaseholds. (See p. 402.) 17. Direct popular veto on liquor traffic. (See p. 417.) 18. Disestablishment and disendowment of Scottish Church. (See p. 326.) 19. Equalisation of death duties upon real and personal property. (See p. 431.) 20. Just division of rates between owner and occupier. (See PP. 403, 505, and 512.) 21. Taxation of mining royalties. (See p. 409.) 22. A free breakfast table. (See p. 513.) 23. Extension of Factory Acts. (See pp. 46-52.) 24. Mending or ending the House of Lords. (See p. 455-) Several of the proposals in the foregoing programme are commendable, and are advocated in this volume. The Gladstonian Government has had the command of the helm of Parliament for a period equal to two ordinary sessions, and they have succeeded in carrying out only one of the twenty-four, viz., No. 10, District and Parish Councils. A number of others are open questions politically; 13 is a compliment to the settled land legislation of Lord Cairns, 22 to the party which reduced the duty on tea and abolished the duty on sugar, and 23 to the party which carried the Factory Acts in the face of Radical opposition; 4 would be resolutely opposed by the whole Roman Catholic population, without whose support the Gladstonian party could have no hope of being anywhere i in a hopeless minority at next General Election. The more purely party and political questions are all discussed elsewhere in this volume. It is enough here to observe that if these latter proposals were all given effect to to-morrow, the lot of not one man, woman, or child in the kingdom would be better or brighter. It is characteristic of the Gladstonian party that they are always cobbling at the machinery of Government, with a view to crush their political opponents. But once they have effected the proposed changes, instead of setting the machine to work to do some service for the people, they discover that after all it is not such an effective instrument for crushing their opponents as they expected, and they set about cobbling it again. Past experience shows that the Conservative party has nothing permanently to fear from these machinations. In 1832, in 1868, and in 1884 the Conservative party was supposed by its opponents to be finally disposed of. But on the franchise of 1832, for much work done under which Gladstonians now take credit, not one Gladstonian would be elected in Great Britain. On the franchise of 1868 that party would not have 100 members out of Ireland, and their new proposals show that already they have lost confidence in the franchise of 1884. QUALIFICATION OF COUNTY JUSTICES. In England a County Justice requires as a qualification to own land of a clear yearly value of £100, or to have a reversion in lands of a clear yearly value of £300, or to have been for two years the occupier of a house worth £100 per annum. No such qualification is required for boroughs in England or for either boroughs or counties in Scotland, and it is thought that under the changed conditions of modern society it cannot be maintained as the rule for English counties. |