I should not wonder if a great bull elephant
Were just behind that tree;

Lifting up his great trunk

To reach something for himself,
Or else resting his heavy tusks
As if upon a shelf.

Yet big as these creatures are,
They are so tractable and mild,
That a great black elephant

Has often been led by a child.

Now let us see what comes next:-
Oh, here's a summer's day,
And there are the country people
All busy making hay.

What a very different scene

Is this one from the other!
A hay-field is a pleasant place,
I can tell you, little brother.

I've been in a hay-field

All day from morning till night;
And, dear me! what things I saw

That filled me with delight!

There I saw the nest of the field-mouse,
So snug and so round!

Full of pretty little young mice,

In a hole in the ground.

And there I saw dragon-flies,
Some purple and some gold;
And flowers, like garden-flowers,
As many as my hands would hold!

Then we had dinner-such a dinner!
All of us, under a tree;
You shall go to the hay-field, Claude,
And what fun it will be!

Now, I declare, this very minute
We'll go, for I heard say,
That the people were haymaking
Down in the meadows to-day.

From the Quarterly Review.

that he has made out his case of ingratitude and apostacy against Louis Philippe: but he has made one great, and in every sense, radical mistake-he lays the whole blame of this change on the king, when in fact, the greater part of it belongs to the persons and principles which the king has been forced to repudiate.

Ad hominem M. Sarrans's argument is conclusive;—and the answers which the king and his friends have attempted are miserably weak, and must necessarily be so, because they have not yet had the courage to produce their real defence-by honestly confessing "That they have abandoned the principles which they and M. Sarrans professed in 1830, because they have found, by cruel experience, that with such principles no government-no society could exist.' Upon this truth they have had the boldness and good sense to act but they have not yet the moral courage to avow it; and until they shall frankly make that admission, M. Sarrans and their other antagonists may urge with perfect justice the shameful inconsistency between their practice and their professions.

Before we proceed to the main object-the personal history of Louis Philippe-we think it right to notice one or two assertions made by M. Sarrans relative to England, which we can, from our own knowledge, pronounce to be either utter mistakes or gross misrepresentations; for instance, he says, that

the elevation of the Duke of Orleans to the throne of France was the favourite project of Dumouriez even to his last hour. At the moment when Louis XVIII. meditated the invasion of Spain, the old general communicated a project of this kind to Mr. Canning-then prime minister-who entertained it, and opened a negociation to that purport, but it was interrupted within three weeks, by the death of Dumouriez.'-p. 106.

We do not insist on the misstatement (though of some importance) of Mr. Canning's being at that time (1823) prime minister, nor on the absurdity of supposing that a negociation for such great and prospective objects could be defeated by the death of the poor old Dumouriez, at the age of eighty-four and in the retirement of an English village. We knew General Dumouriez personally during the latter years of his life, and we can say, that we never heard him express any thing like the sentiments imputed to him; and, indeed, long before the war with Spain was or could have been even meditated, the poor old man was totally incapable of originating or conducting either intrigue or negociation. But, we further know, and can now, without any breach of confidence, assert, that no such proposition ever reached the British government from any quarter, LOUIS PHILIPPE ET LA CONTRE REVOLUTION and that, consequently, no negociation was, or could have been opened on the subject. If our readers will DE 1830. Par B. Sarrans, jeune. 2 tomes. Paris, 1834. take the superfluous trouble of referring to the ParliaWE alluded to this work in our last Number as a for- mentary Debates, they will find that Mr. Canning was, at mal bill of indictment preferred against Louis Philippe, the time, the object of an exactly opposite and contradictofor every species of political apostacy and of private in-ry charge, namely, of having in his speeches on those gratitude. We now resume a more particular considera- Spanish affairs represented England as bound by express tion of the work-not with the view of entering into the guarantee to maintain the existing dynasty on the throne polemic details of the squabbles between the citizen-king of France. This was as little true as is M. Sarrans's conand his quondam friends-with which our readers are, trary statement; but when Mr. Canning's language could we believe, sufficiently acquainted, and may be, we fear, have given rise to such a misunderstanding, it is clear somewhat tired-but for the purpose of recording some that he could not have volunteered an intrigue for the anecdotical facts concerning the new dynasty. Though overthrow of that dynasty, towards which he was supwe are far from giving implicit credit to all M. Sarrans's posed to be too favourable. assertions and, though we reject the whole of his doctrines and most of his reasonings, it is impossible to deny

On another peint M. Sarrans is equally misinformed— he says,—

A few days after the revolution of July, Lord Stuart the annals of England prove that her peerage was largely de Rothsay, the English ambassador, received from increased by persons connected with trade, at a time when, Lord Wellington orders to require from the new go- throughout the rest of Europe, there was no access to vernment of France a categorical answer as to its in-nobility but by the sword. This he proves by sundry intentions relative to Algiers."

And to this he adds the following note:

To account for Lord Wellington's direct intervention in a matter which was rather in the department of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, it is necessary to know that some weeks before the appearance of the Ordonnances, M. de Polignac had sent over a secret agent to his Grace, to communicate confidentially his intended measure, and to assure him that the expedition to Algiers had no other object than to produce a military success, which might re-act favourably on the projected coup d'état.'—p. 87.

We can take upon ourselves to assert, that every statement and inference in this note is absolutely false, and without even a colourable pretence.

stances (most of which happen to be no instances at all) from 'Camden's excellent work on British Commerce,'Camden never having written any such work-and then to make all sure he subjoins

The following is a chronological list of the merchants who have been ennobled by the crown since the close of the sixteenth century.

1464-Sir John Gillott, merchant and mayor of York, knight of the order of the Bath.

1465-Sir Ralph Josline, merchant-draper, knight of the Bath and baronet.

6

1471-Henry Weaver, sheriff of London, knight of the Bath and baronet.

'1487-Sir William Horne, trading in salt-meat, a baronet.

1490-John Perceval, merchant-taylor, baronet. 1513-Sir Thomas More, sheriff of London, and afterwards Lord Chancellor and privy councillor to Henry VIII.

1583-Sir John Allen, merchant, privy councillor to Henry VII.

All the world knows, because it has been published in the journals and in the parliamentary debates of both countries, (our readers will find it stated in the Quarterly Reer for July, 1833, vol. xlix. p. 524,) that the Wellington cabinet, immediately on the accession of Louis Philippe, did require and obtain a categorical answer on the subject of Algiers-but the special and direct interference of the '1536-Sir Thomas Adams, knight of the Bath and Duke himself on that occasion, and the previous communi-baronet.'-vol. ii. p. 244. cation with M. de Polignac respecting the ORDONNANCES, are

1628-Sir William Acton, knight of the Bath and

baronet.

absolute falsehoods. Our readers well know that, on the Could it have been believed that any man-much less a first burst of the events of July, some such community of literary man-a publiciste by profession-volunteering to courils was imputed to the Duke of Wellington and M. discuss a matter of history and legislation, could have, by de Polignac by their respective enemies-and especially by any ingenuity of ignorance, contrived to accumulate such that pattern of accuracy and candour, Lord Brougham—a mass of blunders? Not one of his examples is a case of bat the trial of the ex-ministry in Paris, and the declara- peerage! He confounds the occasional knights of the Bath tion of the Duke of Wellington in England, had, we made at coronations with the modern Order of the Bath. He thought, dissipated that calumny for ever; however, as M. enumerates baronets centuries before the title was invented Surrans has thought proper to repeat it with such special and even imagines that knighthood, the baronetcy, and creamstances, we take upon ourselves to assert, not only the privy council, confer the peerage! We wonder that of that there was no such agent, but that there was not any such peerages-instead of a list of nine, he did not enumerate en the slightest—written or verbal communication of M. de nine hundred since the close of the sixteenth century, which, Pugar's design made to the British government, or to any it seems according to M. Sarrans's new 'Art de vérifier les wder of it. We can further state, that so fearful was M. Dates,' was about 1464—a century and a half earlier than de Pognac of giving umbrage to his own jealous country- the vulgar reckoning. When M. Sarrans exhibits such wen, by the appearance of any intercourse with the Duke serious and such ridiculous ignorance about one part of of Wellington, that when he left England with the secret this subject, we naturally feel some suspicion as to his trust. tration of accepting the place of President of the Coun-worthiness in others; and although we may presume that to Charles X., he did not even communicate his depar- he knows a little more of France than he does of England, ure or its untives to the Duke, and even evaded the ordinary we confess, that if we had not some other evidence than auty of a parting visit; and we further finally assert-his own for most of his statements, we should not have dat so far, so blameably far-was this system of retroces- paid them much attention. But the truth is, that Sarrans *** English counsels carried, that the first intimation derives all his importance from his connexion with Lafayette ch the British cabinet had of any unusual design or and his party,-whose views he developes-whose cause are was by the same Moniteur which had announced he advocates-and whose statements he records. It is not On Ordonnances to the people of Paris. Sarrans we trust, but Lafayette, Lafitte, Dupont, and OdilWe did not expect to have ever again had occasion to lon Barrot, all of whom appear to have contributed to this, to this topic; but when we find M. Sarrans gravely even more directly than to his former work; these volumes *sing such fables, we think it right, for the sake of his- contain a letter from each of these persons, which, so far sal truth, to repeat the contradiction. We do not sus- as they are concerned, accredit the book; and in truth all M. Sarrans of intentional misrepresentation; but it is the facts of the book relate to them, or rather to Louis y surprising how ignorant of us and all our affairs, Philippe in his intercourse with them. M. Sarrans has ather recent or remote, the French, even their men of also been at the pains to hunt up some old publications, mhara, are; and not merely uninformed, but utterly igno- and he has been furnished with some original documents, run of matters, which they, nevertheless, venture to discuss and from all these sources has collected a mass of anecdotes = the boldest style. For instance, M. Sarrans, thinking it relative to the personal and political life of the King of the ary, in a high constitutional disquisition, to compare French, which are, beyond all doubt, true in substance, the Chamber of Peers in France with our House of Lords, though the commentaries of M. Sarrans are deeply time bperts to the former as exclusively feudal, while, he says, tured with party prejudice and personal animosity. These VOL. XXVIII, JANUARY, 1836.-3.

we shall endeavour to put aside, and to exhibit to our same reason that they now quote it—namely, because they readers the real character of Louis Philippe, which, like think it does no credit to him-so long their idol, and most other real characters, will be found to be a mixture now their bete noire. We, on the contrary, think that, on of good and bad—of something to be approved-some- the whole, it does him no discredit, and we wish to prething to be censured—and a good deal to be pitied, as the serve it for the sake of justice and truth. The facts may weakness of human nature—and much to be forgiven, as be of little historical value; many of the details are insig. arising from the irresistible force of circumstances. nificant and puerile, as may be well expected, when we

M. Sarrans sets out by showing that his Majesty began remind our readers that the author was only seventeen life as a Jacobin-his first political declaration was in the when the journal was kept; but it affords many interesting strong and homely designation of himself as Louis Phi- traits of personal character, and must be, at all events, culippe Egalité, by misfortune a French prince, but by choice rious, as the first chapter, written by his own hands, of the a Jacobin to his fingers' ends.' This general thesis M. life of a man, who, whatever be his ultimate destiny, has Sarrans elucidates by extracts from a journal kept by the already secured a prominent place in the history of this Duke de Chartres in 1790 and 1791, and which, having most eventful age.

been lost or forgotten when he emigrated, was soon after We must introduce this journal by a few preliminary published in Paris. Our readers are aware that the ccle- explanations, and we shall occasionally intersperse observabrated Madame de Genlis, in addition to the education of tions on some prominent passages, and subjoin a few Mademoiselle d'Orleans, became charged with the super-foot-notes.

intendence of the education of M. de Chartres and his two The journal begins with the entrance of the young brothers, under the masculine title of governor; and cer- Duke de Chartres into the Jacobin Club-an event of containly as regarded mere education, she justified the singu-siderable importance in a public view, as marking his falar confidence which was placed in her: never had any ther's adhesion to the principles of that society, and which experiment a severer trial, or, we will add, a more suc- was also the occasion of serious family dissensions. The cessful result. The early education of Louis Philippe, as Jacobins, we find, were so much pleased at seeing the experience has shown, not only fitted him for the respecta- Duke de Chartres amongst them, that they presented him ble and honourable maintenance of the station to which he a formal address, of which the first sentence is curious:was born, but afforded him support and consolation in deep and unexpected adversity; and now, in an equally unexpected elevation, enables him to fulfil with vigour and intelligence the most difficult and the most awful duties.

Sir, we congratulate ourselves! Should we not also congratulate you? You have been our prince-you are now our colleague,' &c. Signed Manuel, president; Lepage, secretary.' (Chronique de Paris, 19th Nov. 1790.) But that which was a matter of congratulation to the Jacobins, How often'-says Madame de Genlis, in allusion to was a source of deep affliction to his amiable and excelthe trials and privations to which the young prince was lent mother, and became the immediate cause of an open exposed after his escape from France- How often,

since his misfortunes, have I applauded myself for the rupture between her and Madame de Gentis-by whose education I had given him-for having taught him the counsels that princess believed that her son had taken this principal modern languages-for having accustomed unhappy and degrading step. Madame de Genlis, in her him to wait on himself-to despise all kinds of effemi- Memoirs, attributes it solely to the Duke of Orleans himnacy—(mollesse)—to sleep habitually on a wooden bed, self; but it is, we think, clear that she must share the rewith no covering but a mat-to expose himself to heat, sponsibility. We have the young duke's evidence, that cold, and rain-to accustom himself to fatigue by daily his father only approved his own proposition; and we shall and violent exercise, and by walking ten or fifteen see, as we proceed, that this too-docile and over-affectionate miles with leaden soles to his shoes-and, finally, for pupil would never have thought of making such a proposihaving given him the taste and habit of travelling. He tion without Madame de Genlis's previous concurrence; had lost all that he had inherited from birth and for- her husband, M. de Sillery, proposed him-her personal tune-nothing remained but what he had received from nature and me!'-Mém. de Genlis, iv. 203. friends, and the attendants whom she had placed about him, all became members also. When, in a year or two One of the modes by which Madame de Genlis cndea- after, she, with her niece and Pamela, accompanied Madevoured to teach her royal pupils to examine and regulate moiselle d'Orleans to England, they designated themselves their own mind and conduct was the keeping a journal; les quatre émigrées Jacobines.' (Correspondance de d'Orand it is to a portion of a journal so kept-extending from léans, ii. 90.) In short, it is clear that she countenanced, the autumn of 1790 to the summer of 1791-that M. and probably advised her pupil's entry into the Jacobin Sarrans refers. This journal certainly affords some very Club-which, however, as she justly observes, had not, at piquant contrasts the prince turned Jacobin is striking this period, attained its subsequent ferocity and infamy. enough, but the Jacobin turned king is still more so. There is another circumstance in this affair, which corro

M. Sarrans, of course, quotes no more than serves his borates the opinion that the plunges of the Duke of Orleans own purpose-he quotes nothing that can do the king into the successive depths of democracy were chiefly credit, and once or twice, by an omission, makes the pas- prompted by moral cowardice-the Duke de Chartres besage look worse than it really is. We happen to possess came Jacobin at the moment of that violent excitement a copy of this little work, and as it is rare, and has never, which followed the duel of Messrs. de Castries and Lawe believe, been translated, we think our readers will not meth; but the father himself did not become a member of be sorry to possess it in extenso-particularly as, amidst the club till the commotion occasioned by the flight of the the deluge of French memoirs with which we have been king, when, not without some demur, he was admitted. lately inundated, this curious little piece has been care- (Journal des Jacobins, 23d June, 1790.) Again-it was fully suppressed. Nay, in the laboured apologetical life of amidst the massacre of the 10th of August that he soliLouis Philippe in that liberal, but most flimsy and false cited the change of his name to Egalité. We say moral publication, the Biographie des Contemporains, it is not cowardice, for he showed more than once, and particularly even alluded to. The fact is, that the Liberals have at his last hour, personal firmness.

hitherto cndeavoured to hush up this publication, for the We are tempted to quote from the little-known relation

6

of an eye-witness the account of his last hours. On the mittee meets every Thursday. I requested one of my 6th of November, 1793, he was brought before the revolu- colleagues to express my regret at not being able to attionary tribunal, and, after a mock trial, condemned to tend to-morrow. death, on a series of charges, of all of which he was noto- Chateau Neuf.* 7th Nov.-Attended mass; they did riously guiltless. He treated the dreadful mockery with obedience to the decrees of the National Assembly.— not offer us incense, my grandfather insisting on exact contempt, and begged, as an only favour, that the sentence If they had attempted to offer me the incense, I had might be executed without delay: the bloody indulgence made up my mind not to allow it. Messrs. de Gilbert, was granted, and he was led, at four o'clock, when the father and son, dined here to-day; the son is seventeen daylight was almost failing, from the court to the scaffold. and a half, and very steady,-very civil and very amiable; although his father and all his family are aristo'I confess,' says the editor of the Correspondance crats, he is nevertheless a great patriot, which has won d' Orleans, I had the barbarous curiosity to see him my heart..... So my trip to Château Neuf is over. go to execution; I took my station opposite his palace, We shall set off to-night at eleven. Although I have that I might observe the effect which, at his last mo- been very happy to pass this time with my mother and ments, these scenes of former splendour and enjoyment my grandmother, I have felt great pain in separating might have on him. The crowd was immense, and ag-myself from those with whom I have lived so long, and gravated, by its reproaches and insults, the agony of particularly my Friend [Madame de Genlis], whom I the sufferer. The fatal cart advanced at so slow a pace, shall always consider as a second mother-and my brothat it seemed as if they were endeavouring to prolong ther [the Duke de Montpensier] from whom I had never his torments. There were many other victims in the been separated before. I felt deeply, in the course of same cart; they were all bent double, pale, and stupi- this little journey, how dear everything at Bellechasse fed by hortor: Orleans alone-a striking contrast is to me, and how painful it would be to me to be long stood upright, his head elevated, his countenace full of away from it.

its natural colour, with all the firmness of innocence.

By a refinement of cruelty, the cart was stopped at the Madame de Genlis, then called Madame de Sillery, is gate of his palace; I saw him run his eyes over the throughout the Journal designated emphatically as my Building with the tranquil air of a master, who should friend (mon amie). She resided in a convent in the Faube examining whether it required any additional orna- bourg St. Germain, called Bellechasse, where the Duke of ment or repair. This air was, no doubt, studied and Orleans had erected a pavilion for the residence of her and put on—I, as well as every body else, could see that it

was; it was even said that he had prepared himself for his daughter Mademoiselle Adelaide-thither the young it by wine; but, with all that, I was astonished-I am men used to come every day to receive the instruction of still astonished to think how such a man as d'Orléans their Governor. We may as well take this opportunity of could, by any means, have subdued his natural charac- observing, once for all, that the romantic attachment of ter, and worked himself up to such an appearance of Louis Philippe for Madame de Genlis, and the passionate courage and tranquillity.'

We return from this digression to observe, that as to the rupture between the Dutchess of Orleans and Madame de Genis, the latter, in her Memoirs, docs tardy and rather reluctant, but yet complete, justice to the former.

expressions of fondness which, as we shall see by and by, he employs, might create a surmise that he felt for her more than filial affection, but there is no real ground for any such suspicion; the fact is notoriously otherwise, as might be proved, if it were necessary, by some very naïves confessions in the course of the Journal. We here see,

The cause,' says she, of the Dutchess's coldness and shall see more fully hereafter, that the young duke la. towards me was evidently a difference of opinion on ments, as so much time lost, his occasional visits to his the politics of the day; and I am now ready to acknow-mother, who-notwithstanding his visible indifference for ledge that her fears which, at the time, appeared to me her and his enthusiasm for his friend-continued to treat exaggerated, and even so unjust, were but two well him with all the affection and attention that she was allowfounded. She did not permit her imagination to lead ed to show him. In reading, however, his extravagant her astray; she did not abandon herself to romantic expressions concerning his friend, it must be recollected ons her judgment, alas! was better than mine.'-that the Journal was intended for her future inspection, Mim de Gen, iv. 81.

With these preliminary observations on the state of the family, which will tend to explain some things that might be otherwise obscure, we proceed to the Journal itself.

JOURNAL OF LOUIS PHILIPPE, DUKE DE CHARTRES. 22d Oct. 1790.-I dined at Mousseaux*-next day my father having approved my anxious wishes to become member of the Jacobin club, M. de Sillery proposed me on Friday.

2d Nov-I was yesterday admitted to the Jacobins, and much applauded-I returned thanks for the kind reception that they were so good as to give me, and I sured them that I should never deviate from the sated duties of a good patriot and a good citizen.

3d Nov.-I was this morning at the National AssemM- the evening at the Jacobins, where I was put the Committee of Presentations, that is on the comaattee appointed to examine candidates. This com

A villa of the Duke of Orleans, so close to Paris, the north-west, as to be within the walls.

and that the youth would naturally write in a way that would be most agreeable to her. This will account, in her, and will also explain the choice of topics, &c.; but, some degree, for the excessive fondness he professes for

after all, there is no doubt that he felt for her the warmest gratitude and affection.

7th Nov.-I forgot to say, that however happy 1 should have been to return with my mother, I opposed well. I should have come in the cabriolet with Garher coming back with me, as she seemed rather undanne; but she preferred travelling all night to return with me,-besides, she can sleep in a carriage.

'Paris, 9th Nov.--We left Chateau Neuf at eleven at night, and arrived at Bellechasse at ten next day. I got en horseback at Angerville, nine leagues off; it was still

*A country seat of his grandfather, the Duke de Penthievere.

Under the old church regime, incense was presented to persons of higlyrank-a kind of feudal honour which was abolished in the general abolition of all feudal rights.

dark, and I rode to Paris. In the evening I attended the Jacobins. We learn from a subsequent entry, 26th the Jacobins. They appointed me Censor (they do the November, that Meeke appealed against the justice of this duty of ushers). As the hall is much too small to con- denunciation—but had it been ever so just, it was not the tain the 'Friends of the Constitution,'-[the formal title Duke of Chartres who should have made it.

of the Club, which derived its popular name from meeting||

at the convent of the Jacobins,]-whose numbers increase 16th Nov.-At the Jacobins-I rose to speak, and daily, a committee was named to look out for another said, that I had had the honour of being admitted last place. They were discussing the king's household year (though under age) into the Philanthropic Society. troops. M. Mathieu de Miranbal (a young man) spoke This society was in the habit of distributing 100,000 particularly well. I learned that I had been named one (4001) per annum, but this year the funds had fallen off of a deputation to convey to the National Assembly the by one-half, because several very affluent persons had proposition relative to the Tennis Court.* retired under pretence that the Revolution prevents 10th Nov.-Yesterday my father sent for me, re- their contributing four louis a year. In this they have ceived me most kindly, and gave me fifty louis, of two objects-the first to discredit the Revolution for which I gave my brother ten. My father desired me having destroyed so good an institution; and, secondly, to call on Madame de Lamballe-I went directly; and to make it enemies of all the poor whose pensions from her to the Assembly, and from that, with my fa- should be thus stopped, by saying, "It is the Revolu ther's approbation, to dine with M. Bonne-Carrère, who tion deprives you of your bread." I said I thought had been spokesman of the deputation to the Assembly that it was worthy of the club to support the PhilanHe had invited the whole deputation and several mem-thropic Society, and I invited all who could afford four bers of the Assembly. The dinner was very gay, very louis a year to belong to it, and those who could not, to patriotic, and very decent. contribute what they could afford. I was much ap11th Nov.-At the sifting of the Assembly M. Biau plauded, and, on the motion of M. Faydel, a subscripzat moved that the committees of the constitution and tion which had been raised a month ago, for a poor man of military affairs should unite to prepare a decree on who had refused it, was transferred to the Philanthrothe composition of the king's guard of honour. M. de, pic Society.

Beauharnois proposed that the king should never com

mand the troops in person. M. Malouet opposed both 17th Nov.-I was yesterday at the National Assemthese motions. Alexander Lameth complained that bly-the question was about Avignon. I had forgotten the friends of liberty were always represented as the to take paper with me which prevented my making enemies of the king. On this the Blacks [ro:alists]}

notes.

cried "Yes, yes, and 'tis true," and the Ceto Gauche 19th Nov.-This evening at the play to see [Vol"No, no-the true friends of the king are those who taire's] Brutus-the audience made many allusions. have destroyed the ci-derant clergy and the parliaments When Brutus says, "Give me, ye gods, death rather -'tis they who have delivered the nation from all the than slavery," the house rang with shouts of applause— tyrannies under which we had so long groaned." The great waving of hats. It was magnificent. Another Cété Gauche and the galleries applauded violently. I line ended with these words-free and without a joined in the applause. M. de Cassigny Juigné, de-king." Some applause was heard, in which neither I puty of the Var, and M. de la Chèze, who sat near him, nor any one in our box joined. Then there was a cry appealed to the President that I should be turned out of “ God save the king; but it being observed that for having dared to applaud. The President shrugged, this cry was unconstitutional, they substituted that triup his shoulders-1 continued my applause, and then ple cry, which sounds so sweet in patriot ears—“ God took up my opera glass to see who were the two mem- save the nation, the law, and the king," and Vive la bers who had noticed me. There was a cry of Down liberte. It was clear from all that passed that the pawith the opera-glass!" but I did not take it down till triots had a great majority over the aristocrats; three I had well seen and distinguished them. Thence or four of these latter would have applauded some conwent to dinner at the Palais Royal, and in the evening genial allusions, but they were reduced to silence. to my committee at the Jacobins, where I announced 20th Nov.-Last night at the Jacobins, M. Pujot, [denounced to the committee that a person lately ad- an apothecary, and an excellent patriot, had lent a mitted by the committee, and now standing for election friend his card of admission-he was suspended, acby the society (M. Meeke), was concerned in an aris cording to a rule, which every one signs on admission. tocratic paper called La Gazette Générale. He was in excluding members who shall lend their cards, but M consequence adjourned sine die." Pujot had not read it. I solicited the indulgence of the club for this patriot, and he got his card again. We are afraid that this passage is one of the least cre- missed the reading [of the procès verbal] because ditable to the writer that the Journal contains. M. Meeke could not come till nine o'clock, having been detained seems to have been a person attached to his education. at the National Assembly by the politeness of M. Grou Madame de Genlis, when inculcating on him his duty to-velle, who was to read an address at the bar, and re wards his attendants, says,- You should conter on quested me to stop to hear it-the address seemed t Messrs. Myris and Meeke-if he should remain with you-me fine, but rather long. I wish he had said some and your other masters and attendants, any favour in thing of religion. This morning, at seven o'clock, attended at the hospital of the Hotel Dieu, to see th your power. Mem de Genlis, vol. iii. p. 284.) M. Myris patients dressed and to learn to dress. I returned at was his drawing master, who continued attached to him, and quarter past eight. I dined at the Palais Royal wit for his conduct at Jemappes was made a chef de brigade-of him we shall hear more hereafter; but poor M. Meeke, as Madame de Genlis suspected, seems to have quitted him— * M. Sarrans has rather uncandidly suppressed a probably on account of politics-and the favour' which, the rest of this article. It is evident that he wishes in pursuance of Madame de Geulis's considerate advice, leave an impression as if Louis Phillippe had applaude he seems to have conferred on him, was a denunciation to free and without a king but as he expressly stat that neither he nor his company did so, Sarrans

my father.

A bombastic address from the Jacobins to the Na-guilty of a misrepresentation. tional Assembly, for a due commemoration of the cele

+ It does not appear what this address was-probab brated oath in the Tennis Court, at Versailles.-See about the civil constitution of the clergy, which was Moniteur, 9th Nov. 1790. that time under discussion