the repeal will probably not be now agreed to,3 from what I think a mistaken opinion, that the honor and dignity of government is better supported by persisting in a wrong measure once entered into, than by rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered; we must allow the next best thing for the advantage of both countries is, the suspension; for as to executing the act by force, it is madness, and will be ruin to the whole.

The rest of your friend's reasonings and propositions appear to me truly just and judicious; I will therefore only add, that I am as desirous of his acquaintance and intimacy, as he was of my opinion.

I am, with much esteem,

Your obliged Friend,
B. FRANKLIN.

Letter from Governor Pownall to Dr. Franklin, concerning an equal communication of rights, privileges, &c. to America by Great Bri

tain.

DEAR SIR,

THE following objection against communicating to the colonies the rights, privileges, and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm, has been made. I have been endeavoring to obviate it, and I communicate it to you, in hopes of your promised assistance.

If, say the objectors, we communicate to the colonies the power of sending representatives, and in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share and proportion of all our taxes, we must grant to them all the powers of trade and manufacturing, which any other parts of the realm within the isle of Great Britain enjoy: if so, perchance, the profits of the Atlantic commerce may converge to some centre in America; to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, or to

3 It was however agreed to in the same year, viz. in 1766.

4 This letter bears no date. It was written possibly about the time that governor Pownall was engaged in publishing his book on the administration of the colonies.

some of the isles: if so, then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies, and in course of consequences the landed interest of the colonies will be promoted: while the natural and artificial produce and landed interest of Great Britain will be depressed, to its utter ruin and destruction; and consequently the balance of the power of government, although still within the realm, will be locally transferred from Great Britain to the colonies. Which consequence, however it may suit a citizen of the world, must be folly and madness to a Briton. My fit is gone off, and though weak, both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much better.-Would be glad to see you.

Your Friend,

J. POWNALL.

On the back of the foregoing letter of Governor Pownall, are the following minutes by Dr. Franklin.

THIS objection goes upon the supposition, that whatever the colonies gain, Britain must lose; and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining an advantage, Britain will gain it :

If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than Britain, they should have it, and Britain apply to what it is more fit for. The whole empire is a gainer. And if Britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage, other countries will get it, if the colonies do not. Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture and remains poor; but this has given to the French the trade and wealth Ireland might have gained for the British empire.

The government cannot long be retained without the union. Which is best (supposing your case) to have a total separation, or a change of the seat of government?—It by no means follows, that promoting and advancing the landed interest in America will depress that of Britain: the contrary has always been the fact. Advantageous situations.

and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures : Sheffield against all Europe for these three hundred years past.

Impracticability.

Danger of innovation.

THE EXAMINATION OF DR. FRAKLIN.

Before the English House of Commons, in February, 1766,
relative to the Repeal of the American Stamp Act.

This examination of Dr. Franklin was printed in the year 1767, under the form of a shilling pamphlet. It is prior in point of date to some of the foregoing pieces; but this derangement, provides the reader with a knowlege of the proceedings on which the examination was grounded.

1766. Feb. 3. Benjamin Franklin, Esq. and a number of other persons were "ordered to attend the committee of the whole house of commons to whom it was referred, to consider farther the several papers relative to America which were presented to the house by Mr. secretary Conway, &c." 2. WHAT is your name, and place of abode?

A. Franklin, of Philadelphia.

2. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among themselves?

A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes.

2. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the laws of the colony?

A. There are taxes on all estates real and personal; a poll tax; a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and businesses, according to their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and other spirits; and a duty of ten pounds per head on all negroes imported, with some other duties.

2. For what purposes are those taxes laid?

A. For the support of the civil and military establishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt contracted in the last war.

2. How long are those taxes to continue?

A. Those for discharging. the debt are to continue till 1772, and longer, if the debt should not be then all discharged. The others must always continue.

2. Was it not expected that the debt would have been sooner discharged?

A. It was, when the peace was made with France and Spain. But a fresh war breaking out with the Indians, a fresh load of debt was incurred; and the taxes, of course, continued longer by a new law.

2. Are not all the people very able to pay those taxes? A. No. The frontier counties, all along the continent, having been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly impoverished, are able to pay very little tax. And therefore, in consideration of their distresses, our late tax laws do expressly favor those counties, excusing the sufferers; and I suppose the same is done in other governments.

2. Are not you concerned in the management of the post-office in America?

A. Yes. I am deputy post-master general of North

America.

2. Don't you think the distribution of stamps by post to all the inhabitants very practicable, if there was no opposition?

A. The posts only go along the sea-coasts; they do not, except in a few instances, go back into the country; and if they did, sending for stamps by post would occasion an expence of postage, amounting in many cases, to much more than that of the stamps themselves.

2. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland?

A. I never was there.

2. Do you know whether there are any post-roads on that

island?

A. I have heard that there are no roads at all, but that

the communication between one settlement and another is by sea only.

2. Can you disperse the stamps by post in Canada?

A. There is only a post between Montreal and Quebec. The inhabitants live so scattered and remote from each other in that vast country, that posts cannot be supported among them, and therefore they cannot get stamps per post. The English colonies too along the frontiers are very thinly settled.

2. From the thinness of the back settlements, would not the stamp act be extremely inconvenient to the inhabitants, if executed?

A. To be sure it would; as many of the inhabitants could not get stamps when they had occasion for them without taking long journeys, and spending perhaps three or four pounds, that the crown might get six-pence.

2. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances, very able to pay the stamp duty?

A. In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one years.

2. Don't you know that the money arising from the stamps was all to be laid out in America?

A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the American service; but it will be spent in the conquered colonies, where the soldiers are; not in the colonies that pay it.

2. Is there not a balance of trade due from the colonies where the troops are posted, that will bring back the money to the old colonies?

A. I think not. I believe very little would come back. I know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it would

"The stamp act said, that the Americans shall have no commerce, make no exchange of property with each other, neither purchase nor grant, nor recover debts; they shall neither marry nor make their wills, unless they pay such and such sums" in specie for the stamps which must give validity to the proGeedings. The operation of such a tax, had it obtained the consent of the people, appeared inevitable; and its annual productiveness, on its introduction, was estimated by its proposer in the house of commons at the committee for